-  ■  - ^-^.-....^.v.. 


■   "  *  ' 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 


THE 
LAWRENCES  OF  THE   PUNJAB 


All  rights  reserved 


•  ■/,■/    ,/''//'///    ^f/// ■■'/*■//<•/  . 


THE    LAWRENCES 

OF    THE    PUNJAB 


BY 


FREDERICK    P.    GIBBON 

AUTHOR  OF   "THE  RECORD  OF  THE  SIKHS," 
"  THE  GURKHA  SCOUTS,"  ETC. 


1908 

LONDON:    J.  M.   DENT  &  CO. 

NEW  YORK:  E.  P.  DUTTON  &  CO. 


3>: 


TO 

FIELD-MARSHAL 

THE     RIGHT     HONOURABLE 

THE   EARL  ROBERTS,    V.C.,   K.G. 

THIS   BOOK   IS    (BY  HIS    PERMISSION) 
RESPECTFULLY   INSCRIBED 


NOTE 

For  the  greater  part  of  the  material  used  in  this  biography 
I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  R.  Bosworth  Smith's  Life  of  Lord 
Lawrence,  to  the  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  by  Sir  Herbert 
Edwardes  and  Mr.  Merivale,  and  to  Sir  John  Kaye's  History 
of  the  Sepoy  War  and  Lives  of  Indian  Officers. 

My  acknowledgments  are  especially  due  to  Mr.  Bosworth 
Smith  for  permission  freely  "  to  dig  in  his  mine,"  and  I 
have  endeavoured  to  show  appreciation  of  his  courtesy 
by  making  copious  use  of  the  permission. 

I  take  this  opportunity  of  expressing  my  gratitude  also 
to  Lieut. -Colonel  D.  C.  Phillott  for  the  photographs  of 
Punjabis,  and  to  Colonel  J.  Hay,  C.B.,  for  that  of  the 
Gurkhas. 


VII 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Introduction  ........    xvii. 

CHAPTER  I— 1806-1822 


The  Lawrence  Family — Henry's  School-days — His  Courage — 
John  at  Foyle  College  and  Wraxhall — No  Indication  of 
Future  Greatness  .......  1 

CHAPTER  II— 1822-1829 

HENRY   AT    DUM-DUM 

The  Bengal  Artillery — Padre  Craufurd — War  with  Burma — 
Invalided  Home — Honoria  Marshall — The  Lawrence 
Fund  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .11 

CHAPTER  III— 1827-1833 

JOHN    ENTERS    THE    CIVIL    SERVICE 

Self-Conquest — Haileybury    College— The    Brothers    sail    for 

India  Together    .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .19 

CHAPTER  IV— 1830-1838 

JOHN    AT    DELHI 

As   District   Officer — "  John   Lawrence   knows    Everything  " 

— His  Strength,  Resolution,  and  Resource       ...        25 

CHAPTER  V— 1833-1837 

THE    REVENUE    SURVEY 

The  Land  Revenue — The  New  Settlement  of  the  North-West 
Provinces — "  Lawrence's      confounded      Zeal  " — Village 
Communities        ........        38 

ix 


Contents 

CHAPTER  VI— 1835-1838 

henry  Lawrence's  love  story 


PAGE 


Death  of  Colonel  Lawrence — Henry's  Care  for  His  Mother — 
Marries  Honoria  Marshall — Her  Letters  from  India — 
Rumours  of  War — A  Wife's  Remonstrance     ...       46 

CHAPTER  VII— 1838-1842 

JOHN    LAWRENCE    FINDS    A    WIFE 

Etawa — Fever  and  Home  Leave — His  Irish  Temperament — 

Marriage — Bad  News  from  Kabul  .  .  .  .59 

CHAPTER  VIII— 1838-1841 

THE    CIS-SUTLEJ    STATES 

Henry  at  Ferozepore — His  Town  prospers — The  Sikhs  have 

Confidence  in  Him        .......       63 

CHAPTER  IX— 1841-1842 

THE    FIRST    AFGHAN    WAR 

Lord  Auckland's  Madness — The  Kabul  Disaster — George 
Lawrence  a  Prisoner — Sikh  Contempt  of  the  English — 
Gravity  of  the  Situation — Henry  Lawrence  selected  as 
Political  Officer  with  the  Army — Sikh  Co-operation — A 
Wife's  Heroism  .......       68 

CHAPTER  X— 1842-1843 

STEPPING   STONES 

George  Lawrence's  Captivity — Henry  offers  Himself  in  Ex- 
change— Capture  of  Kabul  and  Release  of  the  Prisoners — 
Henry  transferred  to  the  Dehra  Dhoon — To  Amballa — 
To  Kytul — John  in  Charge  of  Kurnal — The  Brothers 
Meet — Henry's  Work  Appreciated  .  .  .  -79 


Contents  xi 


CHAPTER  XI— 1843-1845 

NEPAL  AND  THE  GURKHAS 

PAGE 

Nepal — Its  Inhabitants — A  Barbarous  Court — The  Gurkhas 
— Mrs.  Lawrence's  Letters  from  Nepal — Literary  Work 
— The  Lawrence  Asylums     ......       89 


CHAPTER  XII— 1845-1846 

THE    SIKHS 

Lord  Hardinge  and  John  Lawrence — History  of  the  Sikhs — 
Sikh  Aggression — Both  Henry  and  John  are  needed — 
Defeat  of  the  Sikhs — Gulab  Singh  and  Kashmir     .  .105 

CHAPTER  XIII—  1 846- 1 847 

THE    LAWRENCES    AND    THEIR    PUNJABIS 

Henry  becomes  the  "  Ruling  Spirit  of  the  Punjab  " — His 
"  Disciples  " — The  Lahore  Residency — John  administers 
the  Jalandar  Doab — Female  Infanticide — John's  Subordi- 
nates— Sikh  Intrigues — Banishment  of  the  Maharani        .      118 

CHAPTER  XIV— 1847-1848 

THE    SECOND    SIKH    WAR 

Henry's  Liberality — Benefits  of  his  Rule — His  Health  breaks 
down,  and  John  officiates  for  Him — Henry  returns  to 
England — The  Multan  Revolt — Fatal  Delay — Herbert 
Edward es — The  Punjab  Ablaze     .  .  .  .  .136 

CHAPTER  XV— January-March   1849 

A    NEW    ERA    IN    INDIA 

Henry's  Policy  overturned  —  Lord  Dalhousie  —  Gujerat — 
Henry  opposes,  John  urges,  Annexation — The  Governor- 
General  agrees  with  John      .  .  .  .  .  .147 


xii  Contents 

CHAPTER  XVI— 1849-1851 

THE    PUNJAB    BOARD 

PAGE 

A  Rule  of  Three — Disarmament — The  Frontier  Force — The 
Guides  —  Thuggee  and  Dacoity  stamped  out  —  Public 
Works — The  Province  pays  its  Way — The  "  Punjab 
Head  " — John's  Capacity  for  Work      .  .  .  .159 

CHAPTER  XVII— 1850-1852 

THE    DERRY    SCHOOLFELLOWS 

The  Koh-i-nur — Robert  Montgomery — Story  of  a  Christmas 

Box — Gulab  Singh  and  the  Lawrence  Asylums         .  .      173 

CHAPTER  XVIII— 1849-1853 

INCOMPATIBLE    IDEALS 

Controversy  with  Sir  Charles  Napier — The  Shadow  of  the 
Mutiny — The  Jaghirdars — Irreconcilable  Differences  of 
Opinion  between  the  Brothers — Both  offer  to  Resign — 
Lord  Dalhousie  accepts  Henry's  Resignation — He  leaves 
the  Punjab — Grief  of  the  Natives  .  .  .  .  ,  179 

CHAPTER  XIX— 1853-1856 

JOHN  LAWRENCE  RULES  THE  PUNJAB 

John  Supreme  in  the  Punjab — "  How  would  Henry  have 
acted?  " — John  Nicholson,  Neville  Chamberlain,  Robert 
Napier,  Donald  Macleod — Treaty  with  Afghanistan — 
Lord  Dalhousie's  Affection  for  John — Last  Meeting 
between  the  Brothers  ......      205 

CHAPTER  XX— 1853-1856 

HENRY    LAWRENCE    AND    THE    RAJPUTS 

Rajput  Degeneracy — Gaol  Reform — Suttee  checked — Death  of 
Lady  Lawrence — Absorption  of  Native  States — Annexa- 
tion of  Oudh       .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .221 


Contents  xiii 


CHAPTER  XXI— May   1856-MAY   1857 

LUCKNOW    AND    OUDH 

PAGE 

Henry  Lawrence  in  Lucknow — Disaffection — The  Talukdars 
— Causes  of  Discontent — The  Greased  Cartridges — Mungul 
Pandy — Lawrence's  Popularity  and  Influence — An  Abor- 
tive Revolt — Speech  to  the  People         .  .  .  .234 


CHAPTER  XXII— May-August  1857 

THE    MUTINY 

The  Outbreak  at  Meerut — Bahadur  Shah  proclaimed  Emperor 
— John  Lawrence's  prompt  Action — Lord  Canning  and 
the  Lawrences — Both  grip  the  Situation — State  of  the 
Punjab — Loyalty  of  the  Cis-Sutlej  Princes — Corbett  and 
Montgomery  at  Lahore — The  Movable  Column — "  King 
John"  —  Jalandar  —  Multan  —  A  "Master-stroke"  at 
Peshawar — Becher — The  Punjab  Army  before  Delhi — 
Proposed  Abandonment  of  Peshawar — Jhelum — Sialkot 
— Lawrence  sends  Nicholson  to  take  Delhi       .  .  .251 


CHAPTER  XXIII— May-July  1857 

SIEGE    OF    LUCKNOW    AND    DEATH    OF    HENRY    LAWRENCE 

Henry  Lawrence  prepared  —  He  wins  over  a  Number  of 
Sepoys — Failure  of  the  Rebel  Plans — A  Headstrong 
Subordinate — The  Cawnpore  Massacre — Chinhut — Death 
of  Henry  Lawrence      .......      282 


CHAPTER  XXIV— September   1857-DECEMBER   1858 

JOHN    LAWRENCE    SAVES    INDIA 

Nicholson's  Last  Fight — Effect  of  the  Capture  of  Delhi — 
Lawrence  raises  the  Khalsa  to  Life — He  appeals  for 
Mercy  in  the  Hour  of  Victory — Edwardes'  Elimination 
of  all  Unchristian  Principles  Memorandum     .  .  .      299 


xiv  Contents 


CHAPTER  XXV— 1859-1869 

VICEROY    OF    INDIA 

PAGE 

Honours — Reception  in  England — Appointed  Viceroy — The 
Orissa  Famine — Crisis  in  Bombay — Public  Works — 
Tenancy  Acts — Relations  with  Secretaries  of  State — His 
Simplicity — Calumnies — His  Durbars — Raised  to  the 
Peerage       .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .318 

CHAPTER  XXVI— 1869-1879 

THE    LAST    YEARS    OF    JOHN    LAWRENCE 

Home  Life — The  London  School  Board — Tributes  to  Mis- 
sionary Work  —  Miss  Gaster's  Reminiscences  —  The 
Forward  Policy — He  condemns  the  Government's  Afghan 
Policy — His  Death 330 

Index 343 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


Sir  Henry  Lawrence     .... 

Gurkhas  ...... 

Mahzud  Waziris  from  the  Bannu  District 

Map  of  Punjab       ..... 

A  Pathan   (Shahzada  Sultan  Jan,  of  Kohat) 

A  Sikh  of  the  Manjha  (Risaldar  Gurmukh  Singh 
3rd  Punjab  Cavalry)   .... 

Lord  Lawrence      ..... 


Frontispiece 

Facing  page  98 

208 

250 

270 

304 
3i8 


INTRODUCTION 

Whenever  our  thoughts  turn  towards  the  achievements 
of  Englishmen  in  India,  when,  with  a  thrill  of  pride,  we 
reflect  that  no  nation  can  show  a  like  array  of  men  who 
have  served  a  subject  state  so  devotedly,  when  the  names 
of  those  faithful  servants  fall  in  to  the  bugle-call  of  memory, 
the  first  to  be  told  off  are  those  of  Henry  Lawrence,  who 
died  the  best-loved  man  that  ever  set  foot  in  India,  and 
of  John  Lawrence,  his  brother,  who  lived  to  win  greater 
respect  than  has  been  granted  to  any  other  Anglo-Indian. 
The  one  "  represented  the  poetry  of  Indian  statesmanship," 
the  other  "  its  hard  direct  prose."  1 

The  story  is  unique  in  the  history  of  brothers.  The 
children  of  a  poor  soldier,  the  Lawrences  raised  themselves 
until  they  wielded  power  an  emperor  might  have  envied, 
and  this  position  they  attained,  not  by  climbing  over 
their  fellows  and  thrusting  them  down,  not  by  intrigue 
and  trickery,  nor  by  depreciation  of  other  men's  work  and 
advertisement  of  their  own,  but  by  sheer  merit,  by  inspiring 
and  justifying  confidence  in  their  integrity  and  ability. 

Henry  Lawrence  was  born  in  Ceylon  in  1806,  John  at 
Richmond,  Yorkshire,  five  years  later,  and  both  were 
educated  at  a  small  school  in  the  north  of  Ireland.  Henry 
became  a  soldier  in  the  service  of  the  East  India  Company. 
In  the  popular  mind  the  antithesis  of  the  soldier  is  the 
clerk,  the  career  selected  for,  not  by,  the  younger  brother, 

1  Captain  Trotter's  Lord  Dalhousie,  p.  62. 

xvii  A 


xviii       The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

who  also  turned  his  steps  towards  the  East,  where  he  met 
with  adventures  of  a  kind  more  readily  connected  with  the 
tales  of  Schehera-zade  than  with  the  actual  experience  of 
a  middle-class  Englishman  in  the  nineteenth  century ; 
and  Jan  Larens  knows  everything  was  the  verdict  of  the 
natives.  The  offer  of  an  appointment  in  the  Revenue 
Survey  lured  the  soldier  brother  from  his  regiment,  and, 
after  filling  an  important  political  office  throughout  the 
Afghan  War,  he  was  sent  to  represent  England  in  the 
kingdom  of  Nepal. 

In  1846  a  new  country  was  brought  under  British  sway 
— twenty  millions  of  hardy  fighting  men,  of  warring  sects, 
agreed  upon  one  point  only,  the  worship  of  success  and 
strength.  To  keep  the  peace,  to  restore,  or  create,  order 
and  respect  for  the  law,  to  encourage  all  that  made  for 
prosperity  in  a  land  where  every  man  was  armed,  hoping 
to  live,  and  expecting  to  die,  by  the  sword — to  do  all  this 
in  the  name  of  an  infant  maharaja,  and  hampered  by 
the  intrigues  of  the  Sikh  Council,  was  hardly  a  work  suited 
to  a  committee.  A  ruler  was  needed;  a  tyrant,  wise, 
strong,  sympathetic,  and  single-hearted,  and  there  was 
one  man  fitted  for  the  task.  Henry  Lawrence  was  trans- 
ferred from  Nepal. 

He  ruled  the  Punjab,  and  the  land  had  rest  and  peace. 
Round  him  he  gathered  and  trained  a  brotherhood  of 
assistants  whose  equal  in  the  art  of  government  the  world 
has  never  seen,  and  of  these  subordinates  the  foremost  was 
his  brother  John.  Ability  and  force  of  character  had 
brought  together  the  soldier  and  the  civilian  to  share  in 
the  most  arduous  and  responsible  work  in  the  empire. 

In  due  course  came  the  need  of  a  council,  and  the  Board 
of  Administration  of  the  Punjab  was  formed  after  the 
annexation  of  the  Sikh  kingdom.  Henry  was  president 
of  this  Rule  of  Three  experiment,  John  his  right-hand  man, 
and — a  coincidence  too   improbable  to  be  approved   in 


Introduction  xix 

fiction — in  1852  the  other  member  of  the  board  was  a 
third  schoolfellow  from  the  Derry  College. 

The  land  prospered;  the  brothers  were  honoured,  even 
loved,  by  the  Punjabis,  upon  whom  the  fact  had  begun  to 
dawn  that  the  one  aim  of  their  rulers  was  the  good  of  the 
people  whom  they  governed.  The  sense  of  responsibility 
was  strong  upon  the  Lawrences,  to  God  as  to  man.  Heroes, 
demi-gods,  were  they  in  the  eyes  of  the  Sikhs,  yet  they  were 
only  two  strong  men  of  finer  clay  than  most.  Being 
human  they  could  not  see  eye  to  eye,  and  each  adhered 
to  his  opinion  where  convinced  that  the  welfare  of  his 
people  was  at  stake.  It  was  no  common-place  quarrel 
that  separated  the  brothers,  each  of  whom  loved  and 
admired  the  other  above  all  men — neither  jealousy  nor 
ambition,  love  of  power  nor  greed  of  gold,  but  an  honest 
dissension  respecting  the  measures  best  calculated  to 
promote  the  welfare  of  the  millions  whom  they  ruled  and 
served.  Both  offered  to  resign,  and  the  Governor-General 
declared  in  favour  of  the  younger. 

Sore  at  heart  Henry  left  the  Punjab  to  take  up  the  reins 
of  government  in  Rajputana,  and  once  more  he  gave  of 
his  best  to  the  service  of  mankind  and  of  the  God  to  whom 
his  life  had  been  consecrated  thirty  years  before;  and 
John  ruled  the  Sikhs  with  wisdom,  foresight,  and  courage, 
and — because  he  loved  and  honoured  his  brother — with 
an  increase  of  sympathy. 

John  wreaked  his  vengeance  upon  the  destiny  that  had 
placed  the  pen  in  his  hand  and  withheld  the  sword,  by 
creating  an  army  of  nearly  one  hundred  thousand  men, 
when  the  soldiers  of  the  eastern  provinces  had  turned 
against  their  masters.  In  the  Punjab  alone,  where  the 
name  of  Jan  Larens  was  most  trusted  and  feared,  where 
the  memory  of  Henry's  kindness  and  sympathy  was  still 
powerful  for  good,  there  only  could  stout  warriors  be  raised 
to  march  against  the  mutineers.     As  a  statesman  John 


xx  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

held  the  Punjab  loyal;    as  a  soldier  he  out-generalled  the 
sepoys  and  wrecked  their  hopes. 

Henry  died  when  the  prospect  was  darkest,  loved  and 
mourned  with  a  depth  of  sincerity  unparalleled  in  India. 
The  younger  brother  surmounted  all  obstacles  and  triumphed 
gloriously. 


THE 

LAWRENCES    OF    THE   PUNJAB 

CHAPTER   I 

(1806-1822) 

BOYHOOD 

The  Lawrence  Family  —  Henry's  Schooldays  —  His  Courage  — 
John  at  Foyle  College  and  at  Wraxhall — No  Indication  of 
Future  Greatness. 

Henry  Montgomery  Lawrence  was  born  at  Matura 
in  Ceylon  on  June  28,  1806.  His  father,  Captain  Alex- 
ander Lawrence,  son  of  a  mill-owner  of  Coleraine,  had 
served  with  much  distinction  in  India,  but  though  twice 
recommended  for  promotion  by  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
lack  of  influence  had  outweighed  merit,  and  after  a  quarter 
of  a  century  of  fighting  he  returned  to  England  a  simple 
captain.  Then  his  old  colonel  interceded  and  procured 
him  a  majority. 

A  sixth  son,  John  Laird  Mair,  was  born  in  Richmond  in 
Yorkshire  in  1811.  Next  year  Major  Lawrence  was  pro- 
moted to  the  command  of  a  battalion  in  Guernsey,  and 
throughout  the  Waterloo  campaign  he  was  in  charge  of  the 
Ostend  garrison.  Broken  down  by  wounds  and  ill-health 
he  retired  from  the  army  with  a  pension  of  £100,  one-third 
of  the  sum  to  which  he  was  entitled  by  the  rules  of  the 
service.  Lord  Harris,  his  former  commander,  made  an 
attempt  to  secure  to  the  veteran  his  rights,  but  Lord 
Palmerston,  then  Secretary  to  the  War  Office,  "  regretted 
that  he  did  not  feel  at  liberty  "  to  advise  the  Prince  Regent 


2  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

to  set  aside  the  technical  quibble  that  seemed  likely  to 
deprive  one  who  had  served  the  state  so  well  of  the  means 
of  sustenance  for  his  family.  Want  of  liberality  was  not 
one  of  the  failings  of  the  East  India  Company:  though 
Colonel  Lawrence  had  never  worn  its  uniform  he  had  fought 
its  battles,  and  the  Company  made  the  battered  hero  a 
present  of  one  hundred  guineas  and  granted  him  a  pension 
of  £120. 

That  Colonel  Lawrence  had  not  prospered  to  the  measure 
of  his  deserts  was  due  rather  to  his  virtues  than  to  his 
failings.  He  was  too  blunt  and  straightforward  to  endear 
himself  to  men  superior  in  rank  and  vastly  inferior  in 
character  and  mind,  and  upon  this  rock  he  had  wrecked 
his  chance  of  fortune. 

Mrs.  Lawrence  was  the  daughter  of  the  Rev.  George 
Knox  of  County  Donegal,  a  member  of  a  family  with 
which  John  Knox,  the  Reformer,  was  remotely  connected. 
God-fearing,  upright,  and  self-denying,  she  was  not  only  a 
good  woman  but  a  good  mother.  She  managed  the  large 
household  with  wisdom  and  thrift,  and  the  lives  of  her 
children  bear  eloquent  testimony  to  her  virtues. 

Letitia,  the  eldest  sister,  contributed  largely  to  the 
formation  of  the  boys'  characters.  They  owed  much  to 
her  wise  love,  and  her  influence  for  good  continued  after 
they  had  attained  to  high  positions,  for  the  men  that 
controlled  millions  of  their  fellow-creatures  were  never 
ashamed  to  ask  her  advice  and  seek  her  approval. 

Another  refining  influence  was  at  work  among  the  Law- 
rence children  in  the  person  of  "  Aunt  Angel  "  Knox,  a 
saintly  woman,  who  made  her  home  with  them  in  York- 
shire during  the  years  of  Henry's  childhood.  In  the  year 
181 2  Colonel  Lawrence's  regiment  was  ordered  to  Guernsey, 
and  twelve  months  later  the  household  was  broken  up,  the 
three  elder  brothers,  Alexander,  George,  and  Henry,  leav- 
ing home  for  Foyle  College,  Derry,   the  school  of  which 


Boyhood  3 

their  uncle,  the  Rev.  James  Knox,  was  headmaster,  and 
under  her  brother's  roof  "  Aunt  Angel  "  continued  her 
lessons  of  patience,  humility,  and  charity  during  the 
greater  part  of  Henry's  life  at  Foyle  College.  She  taught 
him  the  joy  of  giving — not  out  of  abundance  but  by  self- 
denial,  not  merely  by  the  sacrifice  of  an  occasional  luxury, 
but  by  giving  up  that  which  might  be  held  as  necessary. 

In  time  Alexander,  the  eldest  boy,  was  nominated  to 
the  Addiscombe  Military  College  by  Mr.  John  Huddles  ton, 
a  connection  by  marriage  and  a  director  of  the  East  India 
Company ;  and  in  the  summer  of  the  following  year,  1819, 
George,  the  second  son,  was  dedicated  to  the  same  career. 
George  and  Henry  rejoined  their  parents — now  living  at 
Clifton  near  Bristol — after  an  absence  of  six  years.  Before 
relegating  George  Lawrence  to  comparative  obscurity  in 
these  pages,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  he  also  has  a  claim  to 
be  considered  a  "  Lawrence  of  the  Punjab,"  though  the 
fame  of  the  two  most  distinguished  Lawrences  has  over- 
shadowed that  of  their  brothers.  Of  Colonel  Lawrence's 
seven  sons  the  first-born  died  in  infancy,  the  fifth  at  the 
age  of  eighteen.  The  surviving  five  were  all  distinguished 
Anglo-Indians,  who  attained  high  rank  in  the  military 
and  civil  services,  and  George  became  a  power  among  the 
Sikhs  and  Mohammedans  of  the  North-West  Frontier. 

While  Alexander,  George,  and  Henry  were  at  Derry, 
John  had  been  a  prisoner,  condemned  by  an  attack  of 
ophthalmia  to  the  close  confinement  of  a  darkened  room. 
For  twelve  long  months  the  vigorous  and  restless  boy  of 
six  years  of  age  was  cut  off  from  the  main  sources  of  boyish 
delights,  dependent  for  a  temporary  escape  from  tedium 
upon  the  love  and  devotion  of  Letitia  and  of  Margaret, 
the  old  nurse.  In  after  years  he  used  to  declare  that  he 
would  still  be  able  at  any  time  to  distinguish  from  all  others 
the  feel  of  the  hands  he  clasped  in  the  darkness  as  he  lay 
listening  to  their  tales. 


4  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

After  George  had  left  for  Addiscombe,  Henry  was  sent 
for  a  further  twelve  months'  tuition  to  Mr.  Gough's  school 
in  College  Green,  Bristol,  and  before  long  John,  at  the  age 
of  eight,  was  allowed  to  accompany  the  much-admired 
brother.  On  the  top  of  Brandon  Hill  (separating  Clifton 
from  Bristol)  the  boys  used  daily  to  pass  an  old  man,  who 
was  trying  to  exist  by  means  of  a  trade,  than  which  a  more 
precarious  can  hardly  be  imagined — the  sale  of  pin-cushions. 
Henry  grew  interested  in  him  and  often  helped  him  out  of 
his  own  small  store,  until  the  man  came  to  be  looked  upon 
as  a  Lawrence  dependant.  When  home  on  furlough  after 
the  war  with  Burma  Henry  continued  to  take  an  interest 
in  the  well-being  of  his  old  pensioner.  "  He  never  lost 
sight  of  any  one  in  whom  he  had  ever  taken  the  slightest 
interest,"  said  Letitia. 

"  I  remember  when  we  were  both  at  school  at  Bristol," 
John  wrote  to  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes,1  "  there  was  a  poor 
Irish  usher  named  Flaherty,  and  he  had  done  something 
to  offend  the  master  of  the  school,  who  called  up  all  the 
boys  and  got  on  a  table  and  made  us  a  great  speech,  in 
which  he  denounced  poor  Flaherty  as  '  a  viper  he  had  been 
harbouring  in  his  bosom;  '  and  he  also  denounced  some 
one  of  the  boys  who  had  taken  Flaherty's  part  as  '  an 
assassin  who  had  deeply  wounded  him!  '  I  was  a  little 
chap  then,  eight  years  old,  and  I  did  not  understand  what 
it  was  all  about ;  but  as  I  trotted  home  with  Henry,  who 
was  then  about  fourteen,  I  looked  up  and  asked  who  the 
'  assassin  '  was  who  had  '  wounded  '  the  master.  Henry 
very  quietly  replied,  '  I  am  the  assassin !  '  I  remember 
too,  in  connection  with  this  very  same  row,  seeing  Henry 
get  up  very  early  one  morning  (we  slept  in  the  same  room) , 
and  I  asked  where  he  was  going.  He  said,  '  To  Brandon 
Hill,  to  fight  Thomas.'  (Thomas  was  the  bully  of  the 
school.)  I  asked  him  if  I  might  go  with  him,  and  he  said, 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  20. 


Boyhood  5 

'  Yes,  if  you  like.'  I  said,  '  Who  is  to  be  your  second?  ' 
Henry  said,  '  You,  if  you  like.'  So  off  we  went  to  Brandon 
Hill  to  meet  Thomas,  but  Thomas  never  came  to  the 
rendezvous,  and  we  returned  with  flying  colours,  and 
Thomas  had  to  eat  humble-pie  in  the  school.  Henry  was 
naturally  a  bony,  muscular  fellow,  very  powerful ;  but 
that  fever  in  Burmah  seemed  to  scorch  him  up,  and  he 
remained  all  the  rest  of  his  life  very  thin  and  attenuated." 

In  the  summer  of  1820  Henry  Lawrence,  then  in  his 
fifteenth  year,  entered  Addiscombe  College,  his  admission 
being  also  due  to  Mr.  Huddleston.  John  remained  at  the 
Bristol  school,  whose  master  was  apparently  a  disciple  of 
Busby,  for  the  future  viceroy  admitted  that  the  only  varia- 
tion upon  his  daily  flogging  there  was  the  memorable  day 
upon  which  he  was  flogged  twice. 

Alexander  and  George  had  both  received  commissions  in 
the  cavalry;  and  before  Henry  had  been  long  at  Addis- 
combe a  similar  offer  was  made  to  him.  Cavalry  appoint- 
ments— the  chief  prizes  of  Addiscombe — were  within  the 
gift  of  the  Company's  directors,  but  the  third  son  of  Colonel 
Lawrence  preferred  to  complete  his  course  and  take  his 
chance  of  the  artillery,  lest  it  should  be  inferred  that  the 
Lawrences  were  afraid  of  the  examination  that  had  to  be 
passed  before  admission  to  the  scientific  arm  could  be 
gained. 

Several  college  incidents  have  been  narrated  by  Sir 
Herbert  Edwardes  to  illustrate  Henry's  courage.  On  one 
occasion  he  came  across  one  of  the  senior  cadets  in  the  act 
of  reading  a  letter  from  Letitia,  and  the  result  may  be 
guessed.  The  transgressor  was  by  far  the  bigger  and  older, 
and  as  Lawrence  would  have  died  rather  than  have  given 
in,  the  bystanders  were  obliged  to  stop  the  unequal 
combat. 

This  might  have  been  expected  of  any  hot-tempered 
lad,  reared  in  a  martial  atmosphere  and  schooled  in  the 


6  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

city  of  No  Surrender!  More  characteristic  of  Henry 
Lawrence  the  great-hearted  is  the  story  of  a  quarrel  with 
a  younger  and  weaker  comrade.  This  lad  was  remarkable 
among  the  other  cadets  for  the  unenvied  possession  of  "  a 
large  blue  swallow-tailed  coat  with  gilt  buttons,"  and  on 
the  way  to  church  one  day  Henry  laughed  at  the  oddity. 
Mutual  recriminations  and  the  inevitable  agreement  to 
"  have  it  out  after  church  "  followed  the  peculiarly  irritat- 
ing request  for  the  maker's  name.  The  stronger  boy  had 
time  for  reflection  during  the  service.  He  was  obviously 
in  the  wrong,  yet,  being  abnormally  sensitive,  how  could 
he  avoid  the  fight  without  violating  the  school-boy  code 
of  honour?  Would  it  not  look  better  to  fight  first  and 
apologise  when  he  had  proved  he  was  no  coward?  It 
would  not  do;  his  mind  was  too  clear  to  be  misled  by 
soothing  casuistry,  and  no  sooner  was  the  service  over 
than  he  strode  up  to  his  opponent,  held  out  his  hand,  and 
manfully  expressed  regret. 

"  I  was  wrong  and  rude  and  in  fault.  Let  us  be  friends," 
he  said,  and  so  it  came  about  and  the  friendship  endured, 
strengthened  by  a  further  tie.  A  little  later  the  same 
youngster,  Robert  Guthrie  Macgregor,  saved  Henry's  life. 
Bathing  in  the  canal  Lawrence  was  attacked  by  cramp 
and  would  certainly  have  been  drowned  had  not  Macgregor 
risked  his  own  life,  after  several  others  had  failed,  and 
brought  him  safely  to  the  bank. 

A  third  instance  reveals  the  same  courage  in  a  new  light. 
To  be  sneered  at  as  a  coward  would  not  have  been  easy  for 
a  boy  of  his  temperament  to  bear,  but  he  could  have  had 
the  satisfaction  of  proving  the  sneerer  in  the  wrong  in  a 
very  practical  way.  To  arouse  smiles  of  pity  as  an 
eccentric  would  afford  no  scope  for  retaliation.  During 
the  holidays  he  used  to  beg  old  clothes  from  his  family 
and  friends  in  order  to  help  a  lady  whose  poverty  had 
aroused  his  ever-ready  sympathy,  and  he  was  not  ashamed 


Boyhood  7 

to  carry  the  bundle  through  the  streets  of  London.  A 
little  thing!  but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Henry 
Lawrence  was  more  than  ordinarily  thin-skinned,  and  that 
to  the  close  of  his  career  his  greatest  fault  was  his  quick- 
ness to  be  wounded  by  ridicule  and  disapproval.  Thirty- 
five  years  later  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  remembered  this  same 
lady  in  his  will.  "  He  never  lost  sight  of  any  one  in  whom 
he  had  ever  taken  the  slightest  interest." 

At  the  age  of  twelve  John  left  Bristol  for  the  uncle's 
school  at  Derry.  Born  in  England,  of  Scoto-Irish  parents, 
he  combined  the  best  traits  of  the  three  nationalities. 
In  Henry's  temperament  the  Irishman  was  the  dominant 
partner;  in  that  of  John,  English  strength  and  Scottish 
caution  prevailed,  though  the  Irish  blood  would  often  show 
in  outbreaks  of  boisterous  humour.  At  the  Bristol  school 
he  was  known  as  Paddy  ;  English  John  was  his  Derry  name ; 
and  at  both  places  the  boys  were  wont  forcibly  to  express 
their  disapproval  of  the  alien  element. 

Foyle  College  seems  to  have  been  given  over  to  the 
military  spirit,  boarders  and  day-boys  of  course  supplying 
the  antagonists.  In  a  field  close  at  hand  the  former  had 
constructed  a  fortress  which  they  garrisoned  at  all  possible 
hours,  day  and  night,  to  prevent  the  disgrace  of  its  occupa- 
tion by  the  day-boy  enemy.  This  nice  point  of  honour 
furnished  the  needed  excitement,  as  the  night-guard  could 
only  reach  its  post  via  the  dormitory  windows,  thus  adding 
the  masters  to  the  ranks  of  their  foemen,  whereas  the  day- 
boys could  more  easily  leave  their  homes  and  assemble 
without  exciting  suspicion.  The  combatants  being  Irish 
boys  the  struggles  for  possession  were  rough,  and  no  doubt 
John  Lawrence  enjoyed  them  thoroughly. 

After  two  years  at  Foyle  College  he  was  sent  to  Wraxhall 
School,  near  Bath,  and  here  he  distinguished  himself  by 
various   feats   of  daring.     On   summer  nights   he   would 


8  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

contrive  to  enjoy  a  bathe  in  the  stream  by  taking  out  the 
iron  window-bar  and  scrambling  down  the  pear-tree  that 
was  trained  against  the  wall.  Had  he  had  the  leisure  and 
the  opportunity  John  Lawrence  would  probably  have 
achieved  distinction  in  the  Alps  or  at  Wastdale  Head. 

A  schoolfellow  coveted  the  eggs  of  a  certain  swallow. 
"  '  I'll  get  the  eggs  for  you,'  said  John,  and  went  straight 
to  the  chimney,  and  began  to  climb  it  inside.  It  soon 
became  too  narrow  for  his  burly  frame.  '  Never  mind, 
I'll  get  them  yet,'  he  said,  and  at  once  went  to  the  window. 
I  and  my  brother  followed  him  through  it,  and,  climbing  a 
wall  twelve  feet  high,  which  came  out  from  one  end  of  the 
house  and  formed  one  side  of  the  court,  pushed  him  up 
from  its  summit  as  far  as  we  could  reach  towards  the  roof. 
He  was  in  his  nightshirt,  with  bare  feet  and  legs ;  but, 
availing  himself  of  any  coign  of  vantage  that  he  could  find, 
he  actually  managed  to  climb  up  the  wall  of  the  house  by 
himself.  When  he  reached  the  roof,  he  crawled  up  the 
coping-stones  at  the  side  on  his  knees,  and  then  began  to 
make  his  way  along  the  ridge  towards  the  chimney;  but 
the  pain  by  this  time  became  too  great  for  human  endur- 
ance. '  Hang  it  all,'  he  cried,  '  I  can't  go  on,'  and  he  had 
to  give  it  up."  1 

Neither  Henry  nor  John  was  a  keen  cricket  or  football 
player,  the  schools  they  attended  having  failed  to  offer 
great  attractions  in  the  matter  of  games.  Nor  did  they 
shine  as  scholars,  and  though  an  observer  might,  without 
much  risk  to  his  reputation  for  perspicacit}^,  have  hazarded 
the  opinion  that  each  of  the  bo}'s  would  develop  a  character, 
strong,  just,  and  sane,  no  one  would  have  dared  to  antici- 
pate their  brilliant  careers.  One  friend  indeed  attempted 
to  soften  for  Letitia  the  blow  of  Henry's  departure  for 
India  by  the  prophecy  that  he  would  live  to  be  "  Sir  Henry," 
but  he  would  hardly  have  been  selected  from  the  one 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  20. 


Boyhood  9 

hundred  and  twenty  Addiscombe  cadets  as  the  one  most 
likely  to  distinguish  himself.  He  was  certainly  industrious, 
and  of  all  studies  mathematics  most  appealed  to  him.  He 
was  fond  of  walking  and  amused  himself  by  surveying  the 
country  with  an  eye  to  its  military  adaptability.  He  tried 
to  find  out  the  reason  of  everything,  weighing  cause  and 
effect,  and  this  habit  of  mind  may  have  had  something 
to  do  with  his  apparent  slowness.  He  was  not  content 
unless  he  understood  where  others  preferred  to  learn  by 
rote.  His  own  opinion  of  his  schooling  was  that  "  for  my 
part  my  education  consisted  in  kicks.  I  was  never  taught 
anything — no,  not  even  at  Addiscombe.  The  conse- 
quences are  daily  and  hourly  before  me  to  this  day." 
And  when  Letitia  expressed  regret  that  the  teaching  had 
been  imperfect,  he  replied,  "  Well,  that's  past;  we  can  now 
teach  ourselves." 

John's  opinion  was  less  unfavourable.1  "  At  school  and 
at  college  I  did  not  work  regularly  and  continuously,  and 
did  not  avail  myself  of  the  opportunities  which  offered  for 
securing  a  good  education.  But  I  worked  by  fits  and 
starts.  .  .  .  When  I  went  to  Haileybury  I  was  a  fair  Latin 
and  mathematical  scholar,  and  a  poor  Greek  one;  but  I 
had  read  a  great  deal  in  a  desultory  fashion,  particularly 
of  history  and  biography,  and  was  generally  for  my  age 
well-informed."  In  a  conversation  with  Sir  Herbert 
Edwardes  he  recalled  a  remark  of  Henry's  made  during  the 
progress  of  the  first  Sikh  War:2  "  I  remember  my  brother 
Henry  one  night  in  Lord  Hardinge's  camp  turning  to  me 
and  saying,  '  Do  you  think  we  were  clever  as  lads  ?  / 
don't  think  we  were.'  But  it  was  not  altogether  that  we 
were  dull.  We  had  very  few  advantages — had  not  had 
very  good  education — and  were  consequently  backward 
and  deficient.     We  were  both  bad  in  languages,  and  always 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  18. 

2  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  pp.  29-30. 


i  o  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

continued  so;  and  were  not  good  in  anything  which 
required  a  technical  memory;  but  we  were  good  in  any- 
thing which  required  thought  and  judgment.  We  were 
good,  for  instance,  in  history.  And  so  far  from  Henry 
being  dull,  I  can  remember  that  I  myself  always  considered 
him  a  fellow  of  power  and  mark  ;  and  I  observed  that  others 
thought  so." 

They  had,  however,  no  doubts  concerning  their  home- 
training  and  its  influence.  The  stern  courage,  the  sim- 
plicity, and  the  high  code  of  honour  of  the  father  were 
ever  before  them;  the  mother's  self-denial  and  living 
religion  inspired  them,  and  to  crown  all  they  were  blessed 
in  having  an  elder  sister  whose  strength  of  character  and 
Christian  sweetness  had  more  effect  upon  their  lives  than 
any  other  influence  of  their  environment.  To  the  invalid 
couch  of  Letitia  the  boys  came  with  their  doubts  and 
difficulties;  her  advice  it  was  that  guided  them,  and  to 
her  they  wrote  their  inmost  thoughts. 


CHAPTER  II 

(1822-1829) 

HENRY   AT    DUM-DUM 

The  Bengal  Artillery — Padre  Craufurd — War  with  Burma — 
Invalided  Home — Honoria  Marshall — The  Lawrence  Fund. 

While  John  was  still  a  day-boy  at  the  Bristol  school, 
Henry  passed  the  Addiscombe  examination  for  a  com- 
mission in  the  Bengal  Artillery  and  prepared  to  followliis 
elder  brothers  to  India.  Colonel  Lawrence  had  resolved 
that  none  of  his  sons  should  enter  the  king's  army  where 
his  services  had  been  so  shabbily  requited ;  and  it  was  to 
India  that  he  looked  for  a  future  for  his  boys. 

The  separation  was  peculiarly  hard  for  Letitia  in  whose 
heart  Henry  held  the  foremost  place;  and  imaginative 
as  the  young  soldier  was,  the  glamour  of  the  East  and  the 
prospect  of  adventure  failed  to  deaden  for  him  the  pain 
of  parting.  Had  any  other  career  offered  he  would  will- 
ingly have  remained  at  home,  but  poverty  urged  the  step. 
Colonel  Lawrence  was  weak  and  ailing;  in  spite  of  the 
frugality  and  self-denial  of  Mrs.  Lawrence  the  resources 
of  the  family  were  sorely  tried,  and  Henry  was  fired  by  the 
thought  that  both  Alexander  and  George  had  already  been 
able  to  send  home  a  portion  of  their  pay.  Such  aid  the 
colonel  had  at  first  been  unwilling  to  accept,  knowing  by 
experience  the  expense  of  living  in  India,  but  his  wife  had 
wisely  reasoned  that,  "  It  is  good  for  the  boys  that  they 
should  begin  life  with  denying  themselves  and  helping 
others."  So  Henry  Lawrence  at  the  age  of  sixteen  went 
out  into  the  world,  his  ambition  being  to  help  those  he 

11 


12  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

loved,  his  fate  to  win  eternal  fame  and,  what  was  still 
more  precious  to  him,  unequalled  love. 

During  the  outward  voyage  a  warm  friendship  was 
formed  with  John  Edwards,  a  cadet  of  the  same  corps, 
and  on  arrival  at  Dum-Dum,  the  artillery  headquarters, 
a  few  miles  north-east  of  Calcutta,  the  two  youngsters 
decided  to  share  a  bungalow.  The  first  letters  home 
showed  that  the  new  duties  were  being  taken  up  with  zeal, 
and  this  enthusiasm  for  the  artillery  Henry  Lawrence 
never  lost.  Though  destined  to  be  taken  from  his  regiment 
for  staff  and  political  duties,  he  remained  loyal  to  his  first 
love,  and  even  when  ruler  over  many  cities  he  was  most 
happy  when  helping  to  serve  the  guns. 

In  spite,  however,  of  his  attachment  to  the  artillery, 
Lieutenant  Lawrence  made  an  attempt  to  exchange  into 
the  cavalry,  that  the  increased  pay  might  enable  him 
to  send  home  larger  remittances,  but  his  application  was 
not  successful.  He  continued  to  live  frugally  and,  abstain- 
ing from  costly  pleasures,  worked  hard  at  his  profession, 
and  made  a  special  study  of  historical  and  military  works. 
Chess  became  his  favourite  pastime,  though  he  was  not 
naturally  an  adept  at  it,  and  a  sketch  drawn  by  one  of  his 
chums  illustrates  at  once  the  hot  temper  of  the  lad  and  the 
recognition  by  his  comrades  of  his  real  goodness  of  heart. 

"  '  For  the  fun  of  it,' *  says  one  of  his  antagonists,  '  when 
we  saw  checkmate  on  the  board,  we  began  to  draw  back 
our  chairs  as  if  preparing  for  retreat.  Lawrence  would 
perceive  this,  but  say  nothing,  till  the  winning  party  made 
the  fatal  move  and  rushed  to  the  door,  saying,  "  Check- 
mate! "  when  Lawrence,  half  in  anger,  half  in  jest,  would 
often  send  the  board  after  him.  On  the  other  hand,  when 
he  won  a  chance  game  from  a  superior,  he  hastened  to  say, 
"  You  play  better  than  I  do."  And  from  studying  the 
good  and  bad  moves  of  others,  he  shaped  out  for  himself 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  pp.  37-38. 


Henry  at  Dum-Dum  1 3 

ere  long  a  skilful  style  of  play,  much  beyond  the  promise 
of  his  commencement.  I  mention  this,'  says  the  narrator, 
'  because  much  of  what  he  acquired  in  after  life  was  by  the 
same  patient  practice;  an  emulous  observation  of  what 
was  right,  or  careful  avoidance  of  what  was  wrong,  in  the 
ways  and  means  by  which  others  worked.'  " 

His  first  chums,  Lieutenants  Edwards  and  Ackers,  were 
soon  obliged  to  leave  Dum-Dum  by  ill-health.  He  was 
next  attracted  by  Lieutenant  Lewin,  an  old  Addiscombe 
friend  of  one  of  his  brothers,  concerning  whom  he  wrote  to 
his  sister,  "  It  is  really  wonderful  to  me  to  see  the  conver- 
sion of  Lewin,  having  known  him  as  a  worldly-minded  lad. 
His  whole  thoughts  now  seem  to  be  of  what  good  he  can 
do.     I  only  wish  I  was  like  him." 

The  friendship  of  Lewin  brought  him  into  closer  touch 
with  one  destined  to  wield  a  much  greater  influence  over 
his  character,  "  Padre  "  Craufurd,  the  junior  chaplain  of 
the  old  church  at  Calcutta,  to  whom  Lewin's  conversion 
had  been  due,  and  through  whom  the  artillery  station  had 
become  a  kind  of  Christian  headquarters  in  India.  Mr. 
Craufurd  had  gathered  round  him,  at  "  Fairy  Hall,"  a 
little  band  of  officers,  and  Lawrence  was  now  persuaded 
to  take  up  his  quarters  with  these  "  Methodists." 

Abhorrence  of  hypocrisy  made  him  cautious  in  the  pro- 
fession of  religion,  and  his  reserved  and  retiring  nature 
would  not  permit  him  easily  to  lay  bare  his  heart.  He 
joined  in  the  services  at  Fairy  Hall,  but  would  never 
consent  to  pray  aloud,  and  he  rarely  took  the  sacrament 
at  Dum-Dum.  "  What  I  want  to  be  assured  of,"  he  one 
day  observed  to  Mr.  Craufurd,  when  discussing  the  Bible, 
"  is  that  this  book  is  God's.  Because,  when  I  know  that, 
I  have  nothing  left  but  to  obey  it."  x 

The  first  occasion  on  which  he  opened  his  heart  to  the 

chaplain,  whose  influence,  though  apparently  so  slow  to 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  47. 

8 


14  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

work,  was  to  increase  and  endure,  was  the  result  of  an 
accident.  Lawrence  had  bought  a  vicious  pony  that  had 
already  done  its  best  to  kill  him.  In  spite  of  one  narrow 
escape  and  of  the  warnings  of  his  friends,  he  persuaded 
the  "  Padre  "  to  drive  behind  it  to  visit  some  brother 
officers.  The  buggy  was  upset  in  a  ditch  and  the  occupants 
were  stunned ;  and  contrition  for  his  rashness  in  risking 
the  chaplain's  life  impelled  him  to  speak  with  less  reserve 
than  ever  before,  and  mutual  confidence  was  established. 

The  impression  made  on  the  young  man  by  Craufurd's 
friendship  and  example  became  more  and  more  marked. 
He  had  never  ignored  his  faults  of  hasty  temper  and  a  too 
great  sensitiveness,  but  now  he  felt  impelled  to  wage  more 
strenuous  war,  and  he  was  no  longer  alone  in  the  fight. 
Mr.  Craufurd's  influence  leavened  his  whole  life,  with  the 
result  that  no  humbler  man  ever  served  in  India  than  he 
whom  Sir  John  Kaye  has  termed  "  The  Christian  Warrior." 

Henry  Lawrence  was  eighteen  years  of  age  when,  on  the 
outbreak  of  war  with  Burma,  he  was  placed  in  charge  of  six 
guns  and  one  hundred  men,  under  orders  for  Chittagong. 
The  Burmese  had  been  gradually  encroaching  on  their 
neighbours  until  stayed  by  British  territory.  Then  ensued 
a  series  of  insults  and  annoyances,  endured  with  patience 
and  even  humility  by  the  English.  In  1811,  the  King  of 
Burma  demanded  the  extradition  of  a  political  refugee 
who  had  found  asylum  in  Chittagong,  and  this  being 
refused,  he  laid  claim  to  Chittagong  itself,  a  territory  that 
had  never  known  the  sway  of  the  Ava  court. 

The  pains  taken  by  the  Governor-General  to  explain 
the  true  position  of  affairs,  and  the  patience  with  which 
the  policy  of  insult  was  borne,  had  not  tended  to  deter 
the  Burmese  from  their  purpose.  In  their  ignorance  they 
were  persuaded  that  no  motive  other  than  fear  could  have 
inspired  so  apologetic  a  tone.  Page  after  page  of  modern 
Indian    history  tells  the   same   story  —  state   after  state 


Henry  at  Dum-Dum  15 

absorbed,  campaign  followed  by  campaign,  in  direct  con- 
sequence of  the  Company's  attempts  to  avoid  the  heavy 
expense  of  war,  and  of  its  dread  of  every  accession  of 
responsibility.  Men  of  the  Lawrence  and  Nicholson  stamp 
preferred  to  thrash  the  evil-doer,  without  malice  on  either 
side,  for  the  first  offence,  rather  than  lure  him  to  destruction 
by  displaying  too  obviously  a  desire  for  peace. 

The  Burmese  began  hostilities  by  seizing  a  British  post 
and  killing  a  number  of  the  garrison.  Their  next  step  was 
to  annex  Bengal  by  proclamation. 

Serving  his  guns  in  Burma  for  nearly  two  years  Henry 
Lawrence  had  many  opportunities  of  proving  his  worth. 
At  an  early  period  of  the  campaign  he  was  ordered  to  take 
charge — over  the  heads  of  three  senior  officers — of  an 
embarkation  of  guns  and  stores,  because  his  zeal  and 
activity  and  his  readiness  to  take  guns  over  any  impediment 
had  quickly  attracted  notice.  "  Ah,"  said  the  brigadier 
on  another  occasion,  "  if  Mr.  Lawrence  had  been  there  he 
would  soon  have  got  them  over."  Wherever  he  went  and 
whatever  he  did,  men  had  confidence  in  him. 

The  war  over  he  returned  to  Dum-Dum,  to  Mr.  Crau- 
furd's  house,  with  a  reputation  as  a  zealous  and  able  soldier, 
and  a  fever  more  easily  acquired  in  the  swamps  of  Arracan. 
Padre  Craufurd  sent  the  lad  to  bed  at  once  and  nursed  him, 
and  though  his  sound  constitution  pulled  him  through, 
the  fever  clung  to  him  and  harassed  him  for  the  rest  of  his 
life.  There  was  little  chance  of  recovery  at  Dum-Dum, 
so  he  went  first  to  Penang  and  thence  to  Canton,  and  as 
these  changes  of  climate  did  not  restore  his  health  he  sailed 
for  home.  The  voyage  probably  saved  his  life,  but  he 
was  never  more  the  robust  fellow  of  old — his  father's 
"  grenadier." 

The  appearance  of  the  returned  warrior,  gaunt  and 
sunken-eyed,  was  a  shock  to  those  who  loved  him  so  dearly. 
That  the  change  was  great  is  shown  by  an  entry  in  Mrs. 


1 6  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Lawrence's  journal:1  "Returned  from  Arracan,  my 
dearest  beloved  Henry  Montgomery,  not  twenty-one  years 
old,  but  reduced  by  sickness  and  suffering  to  more  than 
double  that  age."  Then  follow  these  words — not  from  a 
mother  blind  with  partiality,  but  from  one  who  was  never 
lenient  to  her  children's  faults:  "  Self-denial  and  affection 
to  his  whole  family  were  ever  the  prominent  features  of  his 
character." 

Soon  was  given  a  striking  proof  of  the  influence  of  Padre 
Craufurd.  Before  Henry  had  been  many  days  at  Clifton 
he  asked  Letitia's  opinion  on  the  subject  of  family  prayers. 
She  advised  him  to  propose  the  innovation,  well  appreciat- 
ing the  delicacy  and  difficulty  of  the  task  for  a  young  man 
in  his  own  family,  but  sure  of  the  parental  consent.  So 
he  brought  out  the  Bible  Mr.  Craufurd  had  given  him  and 
said,  "  Mother,  suppose  we  read  a  chapter?  "  Permission 
being  readily  given,  he  next  suggested  that  the  servants 
should  be  invited.  Here  acquiescence  was  less  prompt, 
but  the  bell  was  rung,  they  were  invited  to  join,  and  family 
prayers  became  an  institution  of  the  household. 

His  furlough  was  not  regarded  as  an  unmixed  blessing 
by  his  younger  sisters.  Though  there  was  no  lack  of  love 
and  admiration  for  their  "  dear  pedagogue  brother,"  his 
endeavours  to  increase  their  stock  of  knowledge  must  have 
been  embarrassing.  He  himself  never  tired  in  the  acquisi- 
tion of  knowledge,  his  energy  requiring  him  to  learn  the 
why  and  wherefore  of  everything  he  saw;  and  his  good- 
nature and  readiness  to  help  over  the  stile  every  lame  dog 
he  encountered — the  dog  being,  perhaps,  perfectly  comfort- 
able on  the  wrong  side — forced  him  to  drag  his  friends 
along  the  road  up  which  he  thought  they  ought  to  go.  So 
the  poor  girls  had  to  submit,  and  no  doubt  they  profited 
by  his  admonitions  and  loved  him  more  and  more. 

The  delight  he  had  in  teaching  and  training  was  one  of 
1  Life  of  Sir  Hcuyy  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  84. 


Henry  at  Dum-Dum  \j 

the  prominent  traits  of  his  character,  and  in  an  ordinary 
man  might  have  been  offensive,  but  the  zeal  of  Henry 
Lawrence  could  never  be  mistaken  for  an  occasion  of 
display.  He  was  always  the  fellow-seeker,  not  the  superior 
person  showing  off  his  accomplishments.  It  is  then  hardly 
surprising  to  find  him  devoting  some  months  of  his  holidays 
to  a  more  thorough  study  of  his  profession.  An  oppor- 
tunity of  working  with  the  Trigonometrical  Survey  in  the 
north  of  Ireland  was  offered  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1828, 
and  though  the  malarial  fever  refused  to  be  shaken  off,  its 
attacks  were  growing  less  frequent  and  less  violent,  and 
he  grasped  this  chance  of  learning  something  new.  Not, 
perhaps,  a  knowledge  necessary  to  a  gunner,  but  still 
knowledge,  and  perchance  the  accomplishment  might 
stand  him  in  good  stead. 

While  at  Clifton  the  eloquence  of  the  Rev.  Robert  Hall 
attracted  his  notice,  and  with  Letitia  and  John  he  made 
many  a  journey  over  Brandon  Hill  to  the  Baptist  chapel 
in  Bristol.  The  sister  being  delicate,  the  brothers  used  to 
make  a  chair  of  their  clasped  hands,  and  so  carry  her  over 
the  hardest  bits  of  the  road. 

A  visit  from  Letitia's  friend,  Honoria  Marshall,  brought 
a  new  interest  into  his  life.  They  met  again,  in  Ireland, 
and  he  began  to  understand  that  he  loved  the  charming 
and  gracious  girl.  He  opened  his  heart  to  Letitia  in  this 
as  in  everything,  and  she  knew  not  what  advice  to  give. 
They  were  both  young,  and  he  was  a  poor  man.  He 
assured  himself  that  she  was  much  too  good  for  him,  and 
that  to  expect  her  so  to  stoop  was  a  dream  beyond  hope. 

Again  they  met,  this  time  in  London  where  Miss  Marshall 
was  staying  with  her  friend,  Miss  Heath,  and  though  he 
tried  to  persuade  himself  that  the  desire  of  the  moth  for 
the  star  was  hardly  more  irrational  than  his  own  longing, 
his  sister  soon  became  aware,  by  his  continued  interest  in 
her  friend's  affairs,  that  he  had  not  entirely  given  up  hope. 


i  8  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Letitia  disclosed  all  she  knew,  mentioned  the  books  Honoria 
read,  and  assured  him  that  religion  had  had  an  important 
part  in  her  upbringing.  The  exacting  worshipper  was 
satisfied  with  the  report— yet  how  could  it  concern  him! 
Even  if  the  miracle  should  happen  and  he  should  find  favour 
in  her  eyes,  ought  he  to  think  of  marriage?  His  father 
could  not  last  much  longer;  the  pension  died  with  him, 
and  the  mother  and  sisters  would  then  be  penniless,  save 
for  the  contributions  of  the  sons  in  India. 

Perhaps  these  reflections  led  him  to  the  idea  that 
presently  took  shape.  John  would  soon  be  a  wage-earner, 
and  might  it  not  then  be  possible  for  the  four  brothers — 
without  prejudice  to  the  contributions  they  were  already 
sending  home — to  combine,  and  set  aside  a  fund  for  their 
mother's  use?  John  approved,  and  the  "  Lawrence 
Fund  "  became  a  reality. 


CHAPTER  III 

(1827-1833) 

JOHN    ENTERS   THE    CIVIL    SERVICE 

Self-Conquest — Haileybury  College — The  Brothers  sail  for  India 
Together. 

John  Lawrence  remained  at  Wraxhall  School  until  his 
sixteenth  year,  when,  to  his  dismay,  he  learned  that  his 
father  had  fixed  upon  the  Indian  Civil  Service  as  the  career 
that  offered  him  the  best  prospects.  John  was  a  soldier 
to  the  backbone  and  a  true  Lawrence.  "  A  soldier  I  was 
born  and  a  soldier  I  will  be,"  he  asserted,  standing  out 
against  the  family's  decision. 

This  civil  appointment  had  also  been  offered  by  the  same 
Mr.  Huddleston  who  had  given  Alexander,  George,  and 
Henry  their  chances  in  life,  and  the  youngster  determined 
to  beg  him  to  change  the  gift  for  a  cavalry  commission. 
He  had  been  reared  on  stories  of  campaigns,  sieges,  and 
stormings,  and  no  dream  of  any  save  a  military  life  had 
ever  crossed  his  mind.  Colonel  Lawrence  tried  to  shake 
the  lad's  resolve  by  reminding  him  of  his  own  hard  case, 
his  poverty,  wounds,  and  loss  of  health.  John  pointed 
out  that  the  three  elder  brothers  were  doing  well  in  the 
Company's  service. 

Henry  had  arrived  on  the  scene  in  time  to  take  part  in  the 
discussion.  The  young  lieutenant,  home  after  two  years' 
service,  and  already  marked  by  the  observant  as  a  man 
upon  whom  to  rely,  was  appealed  to  by  both  sides.  With- 
out hesitation  he  cast  his  vote  for  the  civil  service.     Red 

19 


20  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

tape,  he  said,  was  ruining  the  army ;  the  seniority  system 
was  filling  the  higher  positions  with  incompetents  and 
blocking  the  advance  of  the  capable  and  zealous.  The 
fool  was  as  likely  to  climb  as  the  man  of  genius — in  some 
respects  the  path  would  be  easier  for  him.  But  the  civil 
service  demanded  the  best  men,  provided  scope  for  their 
ambition,  and  offered  greater  opportunities  of  doing  good. 
Much  as  John  respected  the  opinion  and  admired  the 
character  of  his  brother,  he  remained  unconvinced. 

He  gave  way  at  last  as  he  sat  by  the  couch  of  Letitia. 
Her  influence  with  him  was  almost  as  great  as  with  Henry, 
and  he  looked  up  to  her  with  equal  love.  Among  other 
inducements  she  pointed  out  that  he  would  at  once  earn 
a  bigger  salary  in  the  civil  service.  A  sordid  motive ! 
Not  when  such  a  prospect  loomed  before  him — an  aged 
mother  and  helpless  girls  absolutely  dependent  on  the 
money  sent  home  by  the  sons  and  brothers  in  India. 

He  quietly  crushed  his  ambitions  and,  facing  the  sacrifice 
bravely,  set  forth  in  July  1827  f°r  Haileybury  College, 
the  training  ground  for  the  East  India  Company's  Civil 
Service,  and  Henry  went  with  him  to  coach  him  for  the 
preliminary  examination. 

A  story  typical  of  the  "  pedagogue  brother  "  is  told  by 
Mr.  Bosworth  Smith.  Before  the  examination  took  place 
Henry  endeavoured  to  instil  into  the  reluctant  mind  informa- 
tion upon  certain  points  which  his  experience  of  India  had 
taught  him  to  regard  as  important  for  aspirants  to  the 
civil  service.  John  was  less  willing  to  receive  than  Henry 
to  give — and  who  does  not  sympathise  with  the  boy  of 
sixteen!  A  looker-on,  anxious  for  the  prospects  of  the 
son  whom  he  had  brought  upon  the  same  errand,  observed 
that  the  elder  brother's  sowing  was  not  upon  willing  soil, 
and  begged  him  to  transfer  a  little  of  the  seed  to  his  own 
son.  Ever  ready  to  be  of  use  Henry  gladly  took  the 
stranger  in  tow,  with  the  result  that  as  these  very  subjects 


John  Enters  the  Civil  Service  2 1 

did  occupy  an  important  place  in  the  question  list,  his  new 
pupil  came  out  of  the  ordeal  better  than  did  John,  and 
attributed  his  good  fortune  mainly  to  Lawrence's  advice. 

John  remained  two  years  at  Haileybury  and  by  his  own 
account  was  "  neither  very  idle  nor  very  industrious." 
He  won  prizes  for  history,  political  economy,  and  Bengali, 
but  it  cannot  be  said  that  he  showed  promise  of  a  brilliant 
future,  and  he  was  by  no  means  regarded  as  one  who  would 
do  great  credit  to  the  college  or  to  the  able  staff  that  ruled 
its  destinies.  Indeed,  his  friend  Hallet  Batten,  son  of  the 
Principal  of  Haileybury,  was  occasionally  reproved  by  his 
father  for  "  loafing  about  with  that  tall  Irishman  instead 
of  sticking  to  the  more  regular  students." 

John's  revenge  was  effective.  He  finally  came  out  in 
front  of  young  Batten,  and  in  reply  to  the  Principal's 
good-humoured  congratulation,  "  Oh,  you  rascal,  you've 
got  out  ahead  of  my  son!  "  John  gravely  observed,  "  Ah, 
Dr.  Batten,  you  see  it's  all  conduct;  I  fear  Hallet  has  not 
been  quite  so  steady  as  I."  l 

Thirty  years  later  when  all  eyes  were  fixed  upon  John 
Lawrence,  who,  as  Chief  Commissioner  of  the  Punjab, 
was  raising  armies  greater  than  any  he  would  have  com- 
manded had  he  become  a  soldier,  Mr.  Hallet  Batten  chanced 
to  be  home  on  furlough.  He  visited  Dean  Le  Bas,  who  had 
been  Professor  of  Mathematics  when  John  was  at  Hailey- 
bury, and  the  old  man  asked : — 

"  Hallet,  who  is  this  John  Lawrence  of  whom  I  hear  so 
much?  " 

"  Don't  you  remember?  "  Batten  replied,  "  a  tall  thin 
Irishman  with  whom  I  much  consorted,  who  once  kept  an 
Irish  revel  of  bonfires  on  the  grass-plot,  and  whom  you 
forgave  on  account  of  his  Orange  zeal  and  his  fun?  " 

"Ah!  "  said  the  Dean,  "  I  remember  the  man;  not  a 
bad  sort  of  fellow."  He  then  laughed  aloud  and  drily 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  26-27. 


22  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

inquired,  "  But  what  has  become  of  all  our  good 
students?  " 

By  the  time  that  John  had  completed  the  Haileybury 
course,  Henry's  furlough  was  nearly  ended,  and  the 
brothers  arranged  to  sail  together.  To  Mrs.  Lawrence 
and  Letitia  the  intervening  weeks  passed  rapidly,  and  their 
hearts  were  sore  at  the  prospect  of  another  parting.  One 
by  one  the  youngsters  had  left  the  nest,  but  custom  could 
not  blunt  the  keenness  of  the  mother's  distress.  The 
younger  brother  had  the  wonders  of  the  marvellous  East 
before  him,  but  the  elder  had  tasted  of  the  strangeness  and 
had  learned  to  value  his  home  the  more,  and  the  parting 
was  harder  for  him.  Moreover,  Henry  knew  that  his 
father  was  sinking  and  that  he  could  not  hope  to  see  him 
again ;  and  his  love  for  Letitia  had  grown  in  intensity 
while  he  had  been  at  home.  Correspondence  had  been  a 
poor  substitute  for  the  companionship,  for  which  absence 
had  made  him  long,  and  now,  the  realisation  having  ex- 
ceeded the  expectation,  he  was  loth  to  go.  Also,  he  was 
leaving  Honoria  Marshall,  as  he  thought,  for  ever. 

The  boat  sailed  on  September  2,  1829.  John,  never  a 
good  sailor,  was  so  ill  that  his  life  was  in  danger.  For  six 
weeks  he  could  not  even  leave  his  berth,  and  the  common 
study  of  the  native  languages,  planned  for  the  voyage,  had 
to  be  abandoned. 

The  brothers  parted  at  Calcutta,  John  being  obliged  to 
remain  at  Fort  William  until  he  had  passed  an  examination 
in  the  vernacular,  while  Henry  journeyed  north-west  to 
Kurnal  on  the  Sikh  frontier.  Here  he  joined  his  new 
company  of  artillery,  and  here  was  also  stationed  the 
2nd  Cavalry,  the  regiment  of  which  George  Lawrence  was 
adjutant.  For  eighteen  months  Henry  lived  with  his 
brother,  and  his  time  was  divided  between  professional 
duties,  study  of  the  languages,  and  exercise  in  the  cavalry 
riding-school.     He  was  continually  on  horseback,  not  only 


John  Enters  the  Civil  Service  23 

because  he  loved  the  exercise,  but  also  because  he  had  the 
foresight  to  equip  himself  for  the  future.  Unsparing  of 
himself,  he  was  as  good  a  horsemaster  as  a  horseman.  In 
a  letter  to  his  favourite  correspondent  he  speaks  of  his 
Arab :  "I  take  so  much  care  of  him  that  I  suspect  he  will 
die.  That  he  may  come  in  cool  I  always  walk  him  the  last 
three  or  four  miles,  and  as  I  walk  myself  the  first  hour,  it 
is  in  the  middle  of  the  journey  that  I  get  over  the  ground." 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  183 1  he  was  transferred 
to  a  troop  of  the  horse  artillery  at  Cawnpore.  In  the 
opinion  of  the  officers  stationed  in  that  town  Henry 
Lawrence  was  unsociable.  To  a  man  of  his  temperament, 
sensitive  and  overflowing  with  kindness  and  affection, 
the  knowledge  that  he  was  so  regarded  must  have  been 
painful.  The  study  needed  to  master  the  details  of  his 
profession  kept  him  to  some  extent  apart,  but  the  reserve 
arose  mainly  from  a  resolve  not  to  waste  a  penny  that 
might  be  devoted  to  the  "  Lawrence  Fund,"  of  whose 
existence  only  Letitia  and  the  brothers  knew.  Alexander, 
George,  and  John  were  denying  themselves  equally  for 
this  purpose.  But  though  considered  unsociable  he  won 
respect.  The  officer  of  the  horse  artillery,  from  whose 
statement  this  opinion  is  taken,  adds  that,  "  In  case  of  a 
row  or  dispute,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  all  of  us  young 
officers  would  have  deferred  to  his  decision."1 

The  day  for  testing  his  proficiency  in  Hindustani  came 
round  within  a  week  or  two  of  his  twenty-sixth  birthday. 
Such  an  ordeal  must  have  been  more  trying  to  the  nerves 
of  Henry  than  to  the  more  phlegmatic  nature  of  John. 
In  a  letter  to  Letitia  the  former  admits  the  nervousness, 
though  sure  of  passing,  "  but  the  little  bit  of  pride  that 
you  have  held  up  as  an  unbecoming  feature  in  my  moral 
visage  would  be  sorely  touched  by  a  failure." 

He  did  pass,  and  was  recommended  to  the  notice  of  the 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  108. 


24  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Commander-in-Chief  in  terms  of  strong  approbation.  He 
obtained  the  post  of  interpreter  and,  a  few  months 
later,  through  the  intervention  of  his  brother  George,  he 
received  an  appointment  as  assistant  revenue  surveyor  in 
the  North-West  Provinces. 


CHAPTER  IV 
(1830-1838) 

JOHN    AT    DELHI 

As  District  Officer — "  John  Lawrence  knows  Everything  " — 
His  Strength,  Resolution,  and  Resource. 

We  left  John  Lawrence,  in  his  nineteenth  year,  at  Fort 
William,  completing  his  studies.  The  voyage  and  change 
of  climate  had  not  agreed  with  him,  and  he  longed  to  be 
back  in  England.  Having  sufficiently  mastered  both 
Urdu  and  Persian  he  applied  for  work,  and  the  field  for 
which  he  expressed  preference  was  Delhi,  the  real  capital 
of  Hindustan.  In  the  light  of  his  later  achievements,  no 
surprise  will  be  felt  that  he  should  have  chosen  a  district 
in  which  the  work  of  the  Company's  servants  was  both 
hard  and  dangerous.  In  no  other  spot  would  he  have  been 
able  to  learn  so  much,  and  in  after  years  the  choice  proved 
fortunate  for  England. 

The  request  being  granted,  he  became  "  assistant  judge, 
magistrate,  and  collector  of  the  city  and  its  environs." 
The  average  district  contained  more  than  two  thousand 
villages,  and  the  "  Head  of  a  District  " — as  the  "  Magistrate 
and  Collector  "  is  termed — governs  a  territory  larger  and 
more  populous  than  most  English  counties.  A  group  of 
districts  forms  a  division  controlled  by  a  Commissioner, 
who  is  the  local  representative  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor. 
As  one  of  the  assistants  to  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  Delhi 
Territory,  the  boy,  who  a  few  months  ago  had  been  subject 
to  his  college  rules  and  bounds,  now  helped  to  control  a 

25 


26  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

kingdom  with  a  population  of  more  than  half  a  million  and 
an  area  of  eight  hundred  square  miles. 

Fortunately  Delhi  was  not  administered  by  Regulations. 
Freedom  of  action  and  plenty  of  scope  for  the  strong  man 
gave  the  young  civilian  what  he  wanted.  Men,  rather 
than  measures,  were  needed ;  men  of  the  right  stamp,  for 
the  Oriental  understands  the  one  and  not  the  other. 
Rarely  can  an  Englishman  estimate  in  true  proportion  the 
clashing  interests,  the  immovable  and  seemingly  incom- 
prehensible prejudices  of  the  conflicting  races,  creeds, 
and  castes  that  form  the  Indian  communities.  General 
measures,  adopted  in  Bengal  in  accordance  with  ideas  of 
Western  progress  and  reform,  had  been  found  to  enrich 
the  small  minority  and  do  harm  to  the  majority.  And 
all  this  with  the  best  of  intentions.  Neither  regulations 
nor  decrees  of  the  Governor-General  in  Council  could  do 
so  much  as  the  personal  influence  of  the  small  army  of 
magistrates,  collectors,  and  similar  officials,  who  had  the 
heart,  the  brain,  and  the  will  to  understand  and  sympathise 
with  those  under  their  charge.  The  native  of  Hindustan 
is  apprehensive  of  the  exercise  of  authority — rendered  so 
by  centuries  of  oppression — and  incapable  of  grasping  the 
idea  (except  when  aided  by  a  personal  knowledge  of,  and 
confidence  in,  the  official  placed  over  him)  that  his  rulers 
should,  with  no  ulterior  motive,  trouble  to  labour  for  his 
good.  So  he  refuses  to  assist  in  their  inquiries,  actively 
or  passively  frustrating  all  attempts  to  lay  bare  the  truth 
under  the  impression  that  the  less  his  rulers  know  of  his 
affairs  the  less  will  he  suffer.  The  more  unscrupulous  of 
the  native  officials  and  police,  and  of  educated  natives 
generally,  take  advantage  of  the  situation  to  attain  their 
own  ends,  by  urging  as  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  people 
those  measures  most  profitable  to  themselves. 

Given  ability,  energy,  and  conscientiousness — qualities 
by  no  means  rare  in  the  Indian  Civil  Service — the  man  on 


John  at  Delhi  27 

the  spot  can  probe  the  hearts  of  his  people  and  remedy 
many  evils.  The  work  was  exacting,  but  well  suited  to 
the  taste  of  John  Lawrence.  Before  long  the  chief  men 
in  his  district  would  gather  round  the  new  sahib  in  the 
evening  and  unfold  the  stories  of  their  lives,  opening  out 
with  more  and  more  confidence  until  he  knew  their  virtues 
and  vices  and  understood  their  ways  of  reasoning  better 
than  the  average  civilian  of  thrice  his  length  of  service. 
After  four  years  in  Delhi  he  was  transferred  to  Paniput  in 
the  northern  division  of  the  same  territory,  and  two  years 
later  he  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  Gurgaon  district  as 
acting-magistrate  and  collector. 

The  many-sidedness  of  a  collector's  duties — "  a  kind  of 
terrestrial  providence  "  over  some  half  million  members  of 
widely-differing  races,  creeds,  and  castes — has  been  thus 
summed  up  by  a  writer  in  the  Calcutta  Review.  The 
collector  must  be  "  publican,  auctioneer,  sheriff,  road- 
maker,  timber-dealer,  recruiting-sergeant,  slayer  of  wild 
beasts,  bookseller,  cattle-breeder,  postmaster,  vaccinator, 
discounter  of  bills,  and  registrar,"  besides  performing 
duties  incapable  of  classification.  Part  of  the  work  must 
be  done  indoors,  in  the  unbearable  cutcherry,  but  the 
greater  portion  out  in  the  open,  on  the  spot.  Here  John 
Lawrence  learned  to  rely  upon  himself,  and  he  was  on 
occasion  able  by  force  of  character  alone  to  overawe  a 
whole  community  of  sympathisers  with  murder.  In  com- 
mon with  his  brother  and  John  Nicholson  he  had  the 
rare  gift  of  power  to  compel  men  to  obey  him  against  their 
inclination  and  often  against  their  interests. 

In  speaking  of  the  youthful  days  at  Paniput  he  once 
said ;  *  "In  those  days  I  met  with  many  curious  adventures, 
and  on  some  occasions  was  in  considerable  peril  of  my  life, 
but  good  fortune  and  careful  management  combined 
brought  me  successfully  out  of  them  all."  In  later  years 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  55. 


28  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

his  children  would  crowd  round  him  to  demand  the  Sunday 
budget  of  stories  of  these  stirring  times,  of  the  righting  of 
wrongs,  the  tracking  of  evil-doers,  the  breaking  up  of 
Thug  and  Dacoit  bands,  of  narrow  escapes  from  man  and 
beast.  Mingled  with  the  heroic  would  be  more  peaceful 
tales,  full  of  quiet  humour,  treating  of  the  exploits  of  his 
favourite  dogs  and  horses  —  the  only  extravagances  in 
which  he  ever  indulged.  "  Chanda,"  his  favourite  horse, 
cost  him  his  all,  two  thousand  rupees,  a  sum  refused  at 
first  by  the  dealer,  who  demanded  three  thousand  and, 
contrary  to  Oriental  custom,  would  not  budge.  Unable 
to  raise  so  much,  Lawrence  turned  away,  but  the  longing 
for  the  horse  gave  him  no  rest.  He  tried  again,  this  time 
with  the  money  in  two  bags,  and  as  the  sight  of  the  silver 
was  not  to  be  resisted,  Chanda  became  his.  The  Arab 
soon  proved  his  worth.  Riding  hard  across  country  one 
night  Chanda  pulled  up  short  and  refused  to  respond  to 
the  spur.  He  had  stopped  on  the  brink  of  a  tank  thirty 
feet  deep.1  Lawrence  was  in  the  habit  of  keeping  the 
horse  loose  in  the  tent  and  he  used  to  tell  how  the  natives 
on  entering  would  first  make  their  salaam  to  him  and  next 
to  Chanda. 

Fifty  years  after  his  removal  from  Paniput  the  men  of 
the  district  would  talk  of  his  prowess  and  courage  and 
amazing  strength;  and  tales  are  still  told  to  the  children's 
children  of  Jan  Larens,  the  demi-god,  the  hero  in  the 
Homeric  sense,  the  incomprehensible  sahib  who  could  .'get 
the  better  of  the  wiles  of  their  forefathers  by  simple 
adherence  to  the  truth. 

By  showing  himself  their  master  he  was  able  to  gain  the 
warm  approval  of  men  to  whom  strength  and  daring  most 
appealed,  who  used  to  confide  to  the  sahib  their  regret 
that  the  days  had  gone  by  when  "  the  buffalo  belonged  to 
him  who  held  the  bludgeon." 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  53-54. 


John  at  Delhi  29 

The  following  description  of  John  Lawrence  at  Paniput 
has  been  given  by  his  friend  Mr.  Charles  Raikes : — 

"  He  usually  wore  a  sort  of  compromise  between  English 
and  Indian  costume,  had  his  arms  ready  at  hand,  and  led  a 
life  as  primus  inter  pares,  rather  than  a  foreigner  or  a 
despot  among  the  people.  Yet  a  despot  he  was,  as  any 
man  soon  discovered  who  was  bold  enough  or  silly  enough 
to  question  his  legitimate  authority — a  despot,  but  full  of 
kindly  feelings  and  devoted  heart  and  soul  to  duty  and 
hard  work.  .  .  .  '  Jan  Larens,'  said  the  people,  '  subjanta,' 
that  is,  knows  everything." 

The  previous  collector  of  Paniput  had  not  been  very 
capable,  and  the  natives  had  evidently  imposed  upon  him. 
An  energetic  and  resolute  administrator,  coming  after  one 
who  was  lax,  must  inevitably  have  an  uphill  task ;  and  the 
Jats  and  Mohammedans  sighed  for  the  easy-going  prede- 
cessor, who  had  been  less  hard  on  evil-doers.     " Sahib 

is  gone,"  said  a  fakir,  "  and  everybody  regrets  him;  for 
one,  Larens  Sahib,  has  come  in  his  place,  who  is  quite  a 
different  sort  of  man."  1 

The  collection  of  revenue  was,  naturally  enough,  re- 
sented. Englishmen  even  are  not  yet  educated  to  a 
cheerful  acquiescence  in  this  respect,  though  taxes  may 
not  be  demanded  at  the  bayonet's  point.  In  the  old  days 
the  men  of  Paniput  would  pay  whenever  their  rulers  were 
strong  enough  to  enforce  payment,  and  unless  force  was 
brought  to  bear  they  could  see  no  adequate  reason  for 
the  sacrifice.  The  new  collector  resolved  to  make  the 
attempt  to  do  without  the  employment  of  force  except 
in  a  passive  sense. 

One  night  he  and  his  police  surrounded  a  walled  village 
whose  inhabitants  had  persistently  refused  to  pay.  At 
dawn  the  village  lads  began  to  drive  the  cattle  to  the 
pastures,  and  were  turned  back  with  the  news  that  Larens 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  52. 

C 


30  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Sahib  could  not  allow  their  cows  to  graze  on  the  govern- 
ment's pastures  until  the  land-tax  was  paid.  Nothing 
further  was  done ;  the  police  squatted  on  the  tracks  leading 
from  the  village,  and  smoked  and  discussed  the  new  sahib 
and  his  curious  ways,  and  wondered  if  the  village  would 
give  in.  The  village  elders  were  astounded ;  under  the  old 
rulers  there  had  been  no  lack  of  variety  in  the  methods  of 
collecting  the  revenue,  but  they  hardly  knew  what  to  think 
of  this  new  move.  Attempts  were  made  to  break  the 
cordon  by  stealth,  but  the  police  were  alert.  They  had  to 
be  alert  for  Jan  Larens  was  close  at  hand.  Then  the  cattle 
began  to  complain,  and  at  length  a  deputation  came  forth 
with  humility,  protesting  their  sorrow  in  that  they  had  no 
ready  cash  wherewith  to  pay  and  profuse  in  assurances 
for  the  future  if  only  the  Protector  of  the  Poor  would 
permit  their  cattle  to  graze.  Talk  was  unavailing,  so  in 
the  early  afternoon  the  arrears  were  paid  and  the  cattle 
released.  The  lesson  served  for  all  the  villages  of  that 
district  and  there  was  no  further  trouble. 

Another  story  from  the  same  source x  illustrates  the 
physical  strength  for  which  the  Paniput  magistrate  was 
noted,  a  possession  that  undoubtedly  endeared  him  to  the 
Jats.  One  of  his  villages  had  caught  fire  and  there  was  no 
chance  of  saving  it.  An  old  lady,  whose  sole  property 
was  a  huge  sack  of  corn,  finding  that  the  neighbours  were 
too  busy  to  drag  her  treasure  into  safety,  philcsophically 
concluded  that  life  would  not  be  worth  living  with  nothing 
to  support  it.  Seating  herself  on  the  sack  she  awaited 
the  end,  when  in  rushed  Jan  Larens,  the  alien  magistrate, 
the  Thor,  the  Hercules,  the  jest-loving  Rustum,  who 
certainly  "  laid  about  him  as  he  willed."  He  grasped  the 
mighty  sack  and  carried  it  away  and  the  old  woman  decided 
to  live.  Next  day — hearing,  perhaps,  of  the  wonder  excited 
by  the  feat — Lawrence  sallied  forth  to  test  his  strength 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  chap.  iii. 


John  at  Delhi  31 

on  this  same  grain  sack.  The  stimulus  of  urgent  need 
being  lacking,  he  actually  found  himself  unable  to  lift  the 
sack  from  the  ground. 

A  certain  landholder  refused  to  pay  his  taxes  and  the 
collector-magistrate  rode  thirty  miles  in  order  to  persuade 
him.  The  place  was  walled,  the  gates  were  barred,  and  the 
Englishman  could  not  enter.  He  had  with  him  an  orderly 
whom  he  despatched  to  Delhi  with  a  request  for  the  guns. 
Then,  though  it  was  the  hottest  season  of  the  year,  he  sat 
down  alone  by  the  main  gate,  where  he  stayed  all  day  in 
the  glare  of  the  sun,  while  the  chieftain  cursed  him  in  his 
heart  and  was  yet  afraid  to  strike  though  the  alien  was 
at  his  mercy.  Still  no  help  came.  At  last  the  head  of 
a  neighbouring  village  offered  his  assistance.  It  was  ac- 
cepted; the  ally's  retainers  formed  up  before  the  gates, 
and  the  disciple  of  Pistol,  seeing  that  the  bull-dog  sahib 
would  not  be  shaken  off,  gave  in,  paid  the  land-tax  and  a 
fine  into  the  bargain,  and,  in  all  probability,  became  a  crony 
of  the  collector-sahib.  As  for  the  ally,  more  than  twenty- 
years  later,  when  Delhi  had  fallen  by  the  exertions  of  Sir 
John  Lawrence,  a  list  of  rebel  leaders  condemned  to  death 
was  given  him  to  sign.  Glancing  over  the  names  he  was 
attracted  by  that  of  the  man  who  had  thus  come  to  his  aid, 
and  that  rebel's  life  was  saved. 

The  story  of  the  murder  of  Ram  Singh  by  his  brother 
Bulram  proves  that  John  Lawrence  would  have  made  an 
admirable  detective  had  that  highly  desirable  career  been 
his.  The  finding  and  examination  of  the  body  by  torch- 
light ;  the  trail  of  the  footsteps  in  the  sandy  soil,  with  the 
discovery  that  one  of  the  assassins  must  have  made  a 
circuit  to  cut  off  the  flying  victim  and  head  him  towards 
the  rest  of  the  gang;  the  deduction  therefrom  that,  as 
Ram  Singh,  the  victim,  was  fleet  of  foot,  the  murderer 
must  have  been  a  particularly  speedy  man;  the  recollec- 
tion   that    post-runners    are    selected    for    their    running 


32  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

powers,  and  that  Ram  Singh's  brother,  with  whom  he  had 
quarrelled,  was  a  postman — all  these  details  are  far  more 
readable  than  those  of  the  average  detective  story.  So  is 
the  account  of  the  night  search  for  Bulram  and  the  finding 
of  the  man  calmly  smoking  in  the  post-house. 

"  I  went  up  and  addressed  him  on  some  indifferent 
topics,  but  so  calm  and  self-possessed  were  his  replies  that 
I  began  to  think  I  was  in  error.  .  .  .  However,  taking  up  a 
lamp  I  looked  steadily  at  his  countenance.  Though  he 
knew  my  gaze  was  on  him,  he  never  moved  a  muscle,  but 
continued  smoking  with  apparent  apathy,  while  his  eye, 
which  met  mine,  never  quailed  an  instant. 

"  One  of  the  sepoys  standing  by  me  broke  the  silence 
by  exclaiming,  '  Bulram,  don't  you  see  it  is  the  huzoor 
(his  Honour)  and  yet  you  remain  seated !  '  Bulram  never 
moved,  nor,  indeed,  appeared  as  if  he  heard  him.  I  put 
down  my  hand  and,  touching  him  on  the  shoulder,  said, 
'  Stand  up,  Bulram,  I  want  to  look  at  you.'  I  had,  till 
then,  been  stooping  over  him,  as  he  was  squatting  in  the 
usual  native  style  upon  the  ground,  and  it  only  then  occurred 
to  me  that  he  must  have  some  reason  for  remaining  in  that 
posture.  Bulram  immediately  stood  up  and  I  put  my 
hand  on  his  heart  and  said,  '  What  is  the  matter  that  your 
heart  beats  so  violently?  '  He  replied,  '  I  have  been 
bathing  and,  fearing  to  be  late  at  the  post,  ran  up  all  the 
way.'  With  all  his  composure  and  readiness  of  reply  there 
was  something  about  his  manner  which  brought  back  all 
my  former  suspicions.  I  stood  attentively  looking  at  him, 
when,  all  at  once,  I  perceived  a  quantity  of  blood  on  his 
groin,  which  seemed  to  be  welling  out  from  under  his  dhoty. 
Pointing  at  the  blood,  I  said,  '  Ah,  Bulram,  what  means 
this  ?  '  He  gazed  at  me  for  an  instant,  and  then  said, 
'  Don't  trouble  yourself,  I  killed  him.'  " 

Who  can  divine  the  feelings  of  that  wretched  Hindu  as 
the  big  Englishman  bent  over  him  with  the  lamp?     Was 


John  at  Delhi  33 

it  courage  that  enabled  him  to  endure  the  close  scrutiny 
with  such  composure,  or  uncomplaining  resignation  to  the 
decrees  of  Fate?  What  were  Bulram's  feelings  towards 
this  alien  who  represented  the  power  of  the  law  to  punish — 
hatred,  impotent  lust  of  revenge,  or  did  he  simply  recognise 
in  him  the  dispassionate  instrument  of  destiny  ? 

It  was  John  Lawrence  who,  when  his  friend,  William 
Fraser,  had  been  murdered  at  Delhi,  rode  over  at  once 
and  took  up  a  clue  that  had  been  cast  aside  by  his  colleagues. 
The  tracks  of  a  horse  had  been  traced  to  some  cross-roads, 
where  they  suddenly  ended.  Guided  by  a  native's  casual 
remark,  he  entered  the  Delhi  house  of  the  Nawab  of 
Ferozpore  who  had  a  grudge  against  Fraser.  "  Sauntering 
up  to  a  spot  in  the  yard  where  a  fine  chestnut  horse  was 
tethered,  he  began  to  examine  his  points  and  soon  noticed 
some  nailmarks  on  a  part  of  the  hoof  where  they  are  not 
usually  found.  It  flashed  across  him  in  an  instant  that 
Dick  Turpin  had  sometimes  reversed  the  shoes  of  his 
horse's  hoofs  to  put  pursuers  off  the  scent."  Here  might 
be  the  explanation  of  the  abrupt  ending  of  the  trail.  A 
trooper  appeared.  "  '  This  is  a  nice  horse,'  said  Lawrence. 
'  Yes,'  replied  the  man,  '  but  he  is  very  weak  and  off  his 
feed ;  he  has  been  able  to  do  no  work  for  a  week.'  ' 

The  collector  quietly  gave  the  animal  a  feed  of  corn  which 
was  greedily  eaten,  and  the  trooper  was  arrested.  One 
clue  led  to  another,  until  the  chain  of  evidence  was  complete, 
and  the  Nawab  and  his  retainer  were  convicted  and  hanged. 

Leading  a  posse  of  native  police  one  moonlight  night  to 
effect  the  arrest  of  a  robber  and  murderer,  he  was  halted 
by  a  river,  broad  and  rapid,  across  which  the  men  refused 
to  swim  their  horses. 

"  Well,  you  cowards  may  do  what  you  like,  but  I  am 
going,"  said  the  young  magistrate,  as  he  started  across. 
The  native  officer  swore  that  he  would  not  leave  his  sahib 
though  he  feared  they  would  both  be  drowned.     Put  to 


34  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

shame,  the  remainder  followed  the  lead,  and  though 
Lawrence  and  several  others  were  thrown  by  their 
frightened  steeds,  all  got  across  except  one  man. 

"  You  see  we  are  all  safe  after  all,"  the  magistrate 
commented. 

"  No,  the  rassaldar  is  drowned,"  said  a  policeman. 

"  What,  the  bravest  of  the  whole  lot  of  you !  Let  us  go 
in  again  and  see  if  we  can  save  him." 

But  the  white  man  had  to  make  the  attempt  alone.  He 
found  and  saved  the  drowning  rassaldar  at  the  expense  of 
a  bad  kick  from  the  horse.  Injured  as  he  was  he  hastened 
to  the  village,  only  to  find  that  his  quarry  had  been  warned. 
The  murderer  was  soon  discovered,  however,  concealed  on 
a  flat  roof,  and  the  Englishman  chased  him  along  the  tops 
of  the  houses.  Finally  the  man  jumped  to  the  ground, 
and  Lawrence,  wounded  already,  yet  risked  the  jump  and 
dislocated  his  ankle.  The  robber  got  away  for  the  time  but 
was  captured  soon  afterwards. 

Such  incidents  being  everyday  occurrences  it  is  not 
astonishing  that  the  men  of  Paniput  who  witnessed  his 
exploits  should  have  regarded  the  Englishman  as  a  demi- 
god. 

"  '  You  Feringhis,'  said  an  old  chief  to  him  one  night, 
'  are  wonderful  fellows ;  here  are  two  of  you  managing  the 
whole  country  for  miles  around.  When  I  was  a  young 
man  we  should  have  been  going  out  four  or  five  hundred 
horsemen  strong  to  plunder  it.'  " 

Another  tale  illustrating  his  readiness  of  resource  and 
determination  not  to  be  beaten  by  any  combination  is 
related  by  the  chief  actor  under  the  title  Passive  Resistance. 

In  the  spring  of  1838,  when  the  famine  was  still  raging  in 
the  North-West  Provinces,  John  Lawrence  was  encamped 
not  far  from  the  town  of  Rewari  when  a  feud  arose  between 
the  Mussulman  and  Hindu  inhabitants.  The  Hindus — an 
overwhelming  majority — objected  to  the  slaughter  of  oxen 


John  at  Delhi  35 

by  the  Mussulmans,  who  naturally  wished  to  eat  beef,  which 
was  cheaper  than  mutton.  The  Hindus  having  threatened 
to  prevent  the  sacrilege  by  force  of  arms,  the  Moslems 
appealed  to  the  representative  of  the  government,  respect- 
fully pointing  out  that,  as  the  English  policy  was  to  make 
no  distinction  between  castes  or  creeds,  they  did  not  con- 
sider that  they  ought  to  be  dictated  to  by  the  Hindus  on 
account  of  religious  prejudices.  They  were  willing  to  have 
their  slaughter-house  at  a  reasonable  distance  from  the 
town  in  order  to  avoid  offence. 

Law  and  equity  being  on  the  side  of  the  Mohammedans 
John  Lawrence  decided  in  their  favour.  The  Hindus 
remained  quiet  until  the  celebration  of  the  Mohurram 
Festival,  when  they  attacked  the  Moslems  with  bricks, 
stones,  and  even  dead  pigs  and  dogs.  The  magistrate  was 
then  forty  miles  away,  or  by  the  road  sixty  miles.  In- 
formation of  the  riot  reached  him  in  the  early  afternoon ; 
at  three  o'clock  he  set  off  across  a  range  of  trackless  hills, 
and,  in  spite  of  the  dangers  of  the  ride,  he  was  in  the  town 
by  ten  p.m. 

"  Larens  Sahib  is  come  "  was  the  cry  of  the  amazed 
rioters,  and  presently  the  mob  dispersed,  awed  by  the 
resolution  of  one  man.  Then  the  Hindus  anticipated 
Ireland.  Being  both  the  wholesale  and  the  retail  traders 
they  instituted  a  boycott,  closed  their  shops,  and  refused 
to  trade  with  the  Moslems,  who  had  not  even  a  day's  food 
in  hand.  The  latter  begged  the  magistrate  to  permit  them 
to  force  the  granaries,  or  at  least  compel  the  Hindu  con- 
trollers of  supplies  to  open  the  shops.  He  replied  that  so 
long  as  they  kept  within  the  law  he  could  not  with  justice 
use  force.  John  Lawrence  did  not  sit  idle,  however,  and 
hope  for  a  more  reasonable  spirit  to  prevail.  He  organised 
relief,  bought  at  his  own  risk  many  wagon-loads  of  grain 
from  the  district  round  about,  stored  these  supplies  in  the 
town,  and  chose  a  number  of  the  Faithful  to  sell  the  food. 


36  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

For  three  weeks  the  Hindus  held  out.  They  addressed 
petitions  to  the  commissioner  complaining  of  the  unpre- 
cedented depravity  of  his  assistant,  but  at  last  the  shops 
opened,  one  by  one,  as  the  poorer  Hindus  began  to  see  that 
they  were  losing  their  trade  to  no  purpose.  Then  the 
boycott  promptly  collapsed,  and  a  deputation  humbly 
came  forward  to  apologise,  and,  throwing  the  blame  upon 
the  priests,  to  express  the  readiness  of  the  Hindu  com- 
munity to  resume  its  usual  vocations. 

Resource,  courage,  and  determination  have  been  shown 
by  these  anecdotes.  Here  are  a  couple  of  stories  in  illus- 
tration of  his  humour. 

One  day  he  received  from  the  officer  in  command  at 
Delhi  a  letter  that  was  absolutely  illegible.  He  began  his 
reply  with  "  My  dear  Colonel,"  and  ended  with  his  signa- 
ture, the  rest  of  the  contents  being  a  simple  scrawl.  In  a 
peppery  mood  the  colonel  sought  out  the  offender,  but  was 
disarmed  when  the  civilian  invited  him  to  read  his  own 
communication,  a  task  which  the  writer  had  to  give  up  as 
hopeless. 

The  second  incident  is  related  by  Colonel  Balcarres 
Ramsay,  then  a  subaltern.  After  describing  the  finding 
of  Mr.  Lawrence  in  a  favourite  attitude,  "  pulling  up  his 
shirt  sleeves  and  feeling  his  muscles,"  he  relates  that: 
"  I  happened  to  be  in  the  same  howdah  with  him  and  three 
or  four  others,  on  the  back  of  an  elephant  going  through 
the  streets  of  Lahore,  while  our  army  was  encamped  before 
it.  Seeing  an  officer  approaching  in  solitary  state  on 
another  elephant,  he  drove  his  alongside  of  it  and  said  to 
me,  '  Youngster,  we  are  rather  crowded  here,  you  are  one 
too  many  for  us,  there's  a  very  nice  old  gentleman  who  will 
welcome  you  with  open  arms;  now  jump  in  quick.'  I 
confess  I  had  misgivings  as  to  the  '  nice  old  gentleman ;  ' 
but  to  save  myself  from  falling  between  the  two  elephants 
I  had  to  clasp  him  round  the  neck,  whereupon  the  '  nice 


John  at  Delhi  37 

old  gentleman  '  roared  at  me,  '  What  ...  do  you  mean 
by  boarding  me  in  this  fashion  ?  '  I  said,  '  Sir,  it  is  not  my 
fault ;  but  John  Lawrence  said  you  were  very  amiable, 
and  that  you  would  welcome  me  with  open  arms.'  '  Ah!  ' 
he  replied,  '  I'll  pay  off  Master  John  for  this.'  The  old 
gentleman  in  question  was  Colonel  Stuart,  the  Military 
Secretary  to  the  Government  of  India,  who,  though  a  most 
estimable  person,  could  hardly  be  called  '  amiable.'  "  1 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  168. 


CHAPTER  V 
(1833-1837) 

THE    REVENUE    SURVEY 

The  Land  Revenue — The  New  Settlement  of  the  North-West 
Provinces — "  Lawrence's  confounded  Zeal  " — Village  Com- 
munities. 

Henry  Lawrence  had  left  his  guns,  and  while  John  was 
winning  his  spurs  in  the  Delhi  district,  he  was  making  his 
mark  in  the  Revenue  Survey. 

One  of  the  most  baffling  problems  with  which  the  regula- 
tion-bound Briton  was  called  upon  to  deal  was  the  joint 
assessment  of  the  land  revenue  in  a  country  whose  system 
of  land  tenure  is  wholly  different  from  that  to  which  he  was 
accustomed,  and  in  favour  of  which  he  was  naturally 
prejudiced.  Many  good  men  have  grappled  therewith 
and  been  thrown,  having  found  that,  strangely  enough, 
the  Oriental  does  not  take  kindly  to  Western  methods, 
and  that  machine-made  systems  annoy  him,  even  when 
the  advantages  are  plain  enough — to  the  Western  mind. 
If  he  is  oppressed  it  is  for  a  purpose  and  in  a  manner  that 
he  understands,  an  oppression  to  which  he  is  inured,  and 
from  which  he  may  see  a  chance  of  escape;  whereas  the 
ways  of  the  English  are  puzzling,  their  rules  are  inflexible, 
their  laws — apparently  drawn  up  in  the  interests  of  the 
thievish  usurer  and  the  despised  babu — seem  full  of  snares 
for  the  honest  ryot,  who  simply  wants  to  be  left  undis- 
turbed. He  may  even  prefer  the  high  assessment  of  some 
despot  of  his  own  blood  to  the  comparatively  low  demands 

38 


The  Revenue  Survey  39 

made  by  the  Company's  officials,  for  in  the  latter  case  every 
rupee  will  be  collected;  in  the  former  there  is  always  a 
chance  of  evading  the  law  by  lying,  fraud,  or  violence,  and 
the  Oriental  is  a  gambler  by  nature. 

That  India  is  a  continent  may  be  a  truism,  but  it  must 
be  constantly  borne  in  mind.  Even  under  the  strongest 
of  the  Moguls,  the  Hindu  and  Moslem  princes  governed 
their  states  much  as  they  pleased,  but  in  every  province 
the  ownership  of  the  land  was  the  same.  It  belonged  to  the 
crown,  and  the  peasants  and  even  the  large  "  landowners  " 
were  merely  tenants-at-will.  Instead  of  exacting  rent  for 
the  grant  of  the  right  to  till  the  earth  and  enjoy  its  fruits, 
the  ruler  held  a  lien  upon  the  produce,  and  the  land 
revenue  was  "  originally  a  share  of  the  grain-heap  on  the 
threshing-floor."1  In  time  a  money  payment  took  the 
place  of  payment  in  kind,  the  amount  being  arbitrarily 
fixed  by  the  ruler  or  by  the  revenue-farmer  who  had  bid 
highest  for  the  right  to  collect  as  much  as  he  could.  If 
wise  he  did  not  assess  too  high ;  if  reckless,  there  was  no 
limit  to  his  extortions,  and  large  tracts  of  land  lay  waste 
because  there  was  no  inducement  to  cultivate  it. 

The  East  India  Company  had  done  its  utmost  to  place 
the  land-tax  on  a  more  satisfactory  and  scientific  basis — 
that  is,  in  accordance  with  European  ideas.  They  had  not 
made  a  success  of  the  attempt.  Taking  previous  assess- 
ments as  their  basis,  they  would  exact,  say,  forty  rupees 
from  a  cultivator  from  whom  fifty  had  been  demanded  by 
the  late  ruler,  without  taking  into  account  that  where  the 
man  was  assessed  at  fifty  rupees  the  agents  and  revenue- 
farmers  would  take  a  hundred  if  they  could  get  it  or, 
perhaps,  let  him  off  for  twenty-five  in  a  bad  season.  But, 
English  fashion,  the  Company  wanted  forty  rupees,  neither 
more  nor  less,  from  those  who  were  assessed  at  forty.  The 
result  was  that  many  escaped  too  lightly,  and  far  more 
1  Baden-Powell,  Land  Revenue  and  Tenure,  p.  33. 


40  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

were  ruined  during  bad  seasons.  The  peasants,  accustomed 
to  oppression,  without  expectation  or  hope  that  any  new 
assessment  would  make  their  lot  less  hard,  were  wont  to 
view  each  change  with  apprehension,  and  the  more  wealthy 
zamindars,  having  been  able  under  native  rule  to  protect 
themselves  by  bribing  the  subordinate  officials,  were  also 
opposed  to  English  methods.  The  unhappy  results  of 
former  settlements  had  not  been  due  to  any  desire  to 
squeeze  the  ryot.  The  Company  wished  to  be  just,  to  levy 
the  amount  that  a  man  should  fairly  pay  as  rent  for  the 
land  and  the  up-keep  of  the  government  that  protected 
his  life  and  property,  dug  his  canals,  and  constructed  his 
roads.  The  difficulty  was  to  arrive  at  a  just  estimate  in 
so  vast  a  territory,  thickly  populated  by  sons  of  the  soil, 
who  lacked  capital  and  were  absolutely  dependent  on  the 
weather,  whose  acres  varied  so  greatly  in  number  and  in 
productiveness.  Systems  of  survey  in  detail  for  the  whole 
continent  had  been  tried  and  abandoned,  largely  owing 
to  the  ruinous  expense  and  to  the  difficulty  experienced 
in  obtaining  sufficiently  reliable  data  upon  which  to  work. 

The  conditions  of  land  tenure  in  India  had  given  rise  to 
much  confusion,  and  in  the  early  days  of  revenue  settle- 
ment, Mr.  Holt  Mackenzie — one  of  the  pioneers  of  the 
scientific  settlement — had  difficulty  in  persuading  the 
government  to  make  the  village  the  unit  of  assessment  in 
the  North- West  Provinces,  and  to  treat  a  village  community 
as  a  corporate  body.  The  English  officials  wished  to  deal 
with  the  landlord — the  man  that  owned  the  land  cultivated 
by  the  ryots — and  were  troubled  by  his  absence.  Fre- 
quently some  astute  and  sympathetic  Hindu  of  influence 
would  take  upon  himself  to  gratify  this  longing  and  be 
duly  installed  as  owner  of  a  tract  to  which  he  had  no 
shadow  of  a  claim. 

One  of  the  most  energetic  advocates  of  thorough  in- 
vestigation was  Mr.  Robert  Mertens  Bird,  and  there  are 


The  Revenue  Survey  41 

few  men  to  whom  the  natives  of  Hindustan  owe  a  larger 
debt.  He  was  dissatisfied  with  the  existing  chaotic 
system,  as  was  every  able  man,  and  he  resolved  to  reform 
it.  The  problem  had  reduced  wise  administrators  to 
despair;  previous  attempts  to  put  matters  right  had  left 
them  in  a  worse  state,  and  educated  natives  who,  innocently 
enough,  had  been  permitted  to  speak  for  and  represent  the 
community,  had  gained  their  own  ends  at  the  expense  of 
their  humbler  neighbours. 

Mr.  Bird  had  noticed  the  young  artilleryman,  and  he 
watched  him.  Convinced  of  his  genius  he  took  counsel 
with  him. 

But  what  knowledge  could  this  gunner  have  of  land 
survey?  He  had  given  up  a  holiday  to  study  the  subject 
in  Ireland;  all  his  life  he  had  kept  his  eyes  open,  trying 
to  understand  all  he  saw  and  the  cause  of  each  effect  ; 
his  sympathy  was  ever  with  the  weak  and  the  oppressed, 
and  whenever  he  saw  a  wrong  being  done  he  must  needs 
plan  the  means  by  which  he  would  right  it,  had  he  the 
opportunity  and  the  power.  And  now  that  these  had 
come,  he  grasped  at  the  chance  of  doing  good,  and  gave 
of  the  best  that  was  in  him.  That  work  in  Ireland  was  now 
to  bear  fruit.  Henry  Lawrence  applied  his  genius  to  the 
problem,  and  Mr.  Bird  found  his  suggestions  practical  and 
knew  that  he  had  done  well  to  call  him  from  his  guns  when 
he  saw  the  vigour  and  strong  common-sense  which  his  new 
assistant  brought  to  the  work. 

The  new  survey  of  the  North-West  Provinces  had  for 
object  the  more  equitable  settlement  of  the  land  revenue, 
and  Henry  Lawrence's  duty  was  to  conduct  the  investiga- 
tion preliminary  to  the  new  assessment,  to  map  out  and 
mark  the  boundaries  of  the  villages  and  even  the  fields  in 
certain  large  districts,  to  classify  them  according  to  the 
quality  of  the  soil  and  extent  of  the  holdings,  and  to  in- 
vestigate and  record  the  rights  of  the  claimants. 


42  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

It  was  a  task  that  suited  the  man.  He  was  to  a  large 
extent  his  own  master  with  a  numerous  staff  to  control  and 
to  train.  It  involved  an  open-air  life  ;  he  learned  to  know 
the  natives  in  their  own  homes,  and  about  their  daily 
rounds,  gradually  understanding  and  sympathising  with 
their  points  of  view,  listening  to  the  headman  who  would 
come  for  an  evening  talk  with  this  new  sahib  that  seemed 
to  possess,  not  only  that  sense  of  duty  and  love  of  justice 
common  to  the  sahibs,  but  also  a  quality  of  sympathetic 
comprehension  foreign  to  the  white  man's  nature.  Day 
by  day  he  learned  more  of  their  grievances,  of  the  many 
ways  in  which  the  Company's  officials,  meaning  to  do  right, 
yet  added  to  the  grievous  burdens  of  the  peasant — a  result 
largely  due  to  the  corruption  of  the  native  officials,  whose 
power  was  great  in  proportion  to  the  ignorance  of  their 
English  superiors.  He  taught  himself  not  merely  what 
to  do,  but  also  what  to  avoid. 

He  soon  perceived  that  two  of  India's  most  urgent  needs 
were  more  canals  and  more  and  better  roads.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  years  he  was  in  a  position  to  order  that  roads 
should  be  made  and  that  the  benefits  of  irrigation  should 
be  greatly  extended.  "  Push  on  your  roads,"  he  used  to 
say.  "  Open  out  your  district.  The  farmer,  the  soldier, 
the  policeman,  the  traveller,  the  merchant,  all  want  roads. 
Cut  roads  in  every  direction." 

He  always  contended  that  the  cutting-down  of  outlay  on 
these  necessities  was  the  most  baneful  of  all  false  economies. 
He  had  at  an  earlier  stage  wished  for  a  canal  appointment, 
so  strong  was  his  belief  in  irrigation.  One  of  his  reasons 
for  desiring  such  a  post  is  as  strange  as  it  is  characteristic, 
for  the  certainty  of  having  to  endure  and  deal  with  "  end- 
less complaints  "  is  not  usually  a  recommendation.  The 
Canal  Superintendent,  says  Henry  Lawrence  in  a  letter 
to  Letitia,  "  is  therefore  brought  into  contact  with  the 
natives,    and   has,    of   course,    endless   complaints    about 


The  Revenue  Survey  43 

getting  no  water,  and  inability  to  dig  their  drains  or  little 
canals.  But  all  this  I  should  consider  a  pleasing  variety, 
for,  though  the  temper  is  tried,  much  is  learnt,  and  with 
but  little  trouble  to  oneself  much  kindness  can  be  done."  x 

Henry  Lawrence  was  hardly  human. 

Though  abnormally  sympathetic  he  was  never  weak. 
He  discouraged  cheating  and  the  taking  of  bribes  in  a  very 
practical  way,  and  his  punishments,  if  not  legal,  were  made 
to  fit  the  crime.  On  one  occasion  a  native  surveyor,  who 
had  taken  a  bribe,  was  perched  in  a  tree,  over  his  chief's 
tent,  an  object  of  scorn  and  derision,  and  an  example  to  his 
fellows.  Under  Mr.  Bird,  Lawrence  soon  began  to  make 
his  mark,  and  the  eyes  of  men  in  authority  were  turned 
towards  him.  In  fact  "  Lawrence's  confounded  zeal  " 
was  not  relished  by  a  few  of  his  co-labourers,  who,  in 
addition  to  the  burden  of  double  work,  had  to  suffer  re- 
proof because  he  was  still  able  to  do  twice  as  much. 

In  an  official  letter  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the 
North -West  Provinces,  dated  September  3,  1837,  the 
secretary  to  the  Suddur  Board  of  Revenue  states : — 

"  Captain  Lawrence  is  one  of  the  most  experienced  and 
zealous  of  the  officers  employed  on  the  survey,  and  has 
conducted  the  complicated  process  of  double  survey  more 
successfully  perhaps  than  any  other,  and  has  certainly 
entered  more  entirely  into  the  Board's  views.  Captain 
Lawrence  is  prepared  to  guarantee  with  the  establishment 
stated  a  complete  survey  of  three  thousand  square  miles 
per  annum  when  the  villages  average  one  square  mile  each." 

In  India  the  term  "  village  "  is  applied  to  the  whole 
extent  of  the  lands  cultivated  by  one  of  the  village  com- 
munities, of  which  there  are  two  quite  distinct  forms,  the 
"  Ryotwari  "  and  the  "  Lambardari."  In  the  former  each 
individual  ryot  cultivates  a  separate  holding  and  is  separ- 
ately assessed ;  there  is  no  land  held  in  common,  and  the 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  107. 


44  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

head  of  the  chief  family  of  the  community  is  the  hereditary 
headman  {patel) .  As  a  rule  the  patel  is  a  man  of  influence ; 
he  has  the  best  holding,  and  occupies  the  largest  house. 
This  is  the  form  of  community  that  prevails  in  southern, 
central,  and  western  India,  and  in  the  greater  part  of 
Bengal ;  but  although  these  Ryotwari  villages  are  probably 
more  than  twice  as  numerous1  as  the  Lambardari,  or  joint 
communities,  the  latter  is  the  Indian  village  community 
known  to  English  readers,  who  are  indebted  to  Sir  H.  S. 
Maine's  well-known  work  for  their  ideas  on  this  subject. 

The  Lambardari  village  is  general  in  the  North-West 
Provinces  (where  Henry  Lawrence  was  employed)  and  in 
Oudh  and  the  Punjab,  the  two  provinces  with  which  his 
name  is  most  closely  associated.  Here  the  whole  area 
cultivated  by  the  community  is  assessed  as  a  single  tenure. 
Sometimes  the  land  is  jointly  cultivated  and  the  harvest 
shared,  but  more  frequently  a  holding  is  allotted  to  each 
member,  and  there  is  usually  a  tract  of  waste  land  held  in 
common.  The  co-sharing  community  is  often  composed 
of  members  of  one  clan — occasionally  of  one  family — and 
its  affairs  are  ordered  by  a  panchayat,  or  council  of  elders, 
not  by  a  patel.  The  English  have,  however,  introduced 
into  these  joint  communities  a  headman,  termed  lambardar 
(a  numberer — a  corruption  of  the  English  word)  to  repre- 
sent the  village  in  all  dealings  with  the  government.  He 
is  also  responsible  for  the  fair  division  of  the  land-tax, 
and  to  some  extent  for  the  conduct  of  the  village.  A 
second  native  official,  the  village  accountant  and  registrar, 
is  common  to  both  types  of  community.  His  duty  is  to 
keep  the  village  record  of  rights,  a  copy  of  which  he  sends 
every  year  to  the  district  officer. 

In  an  Indian  village  will  be  found  all  the  castes  needed 
to  supply  its  wants,   from  the  high-caste  Brahmin  and 

1  Baden-Powell,  The  Origin  and  Growth  of  Village  Communities 
in  India,  p.  20. 


The  Revenue  Survey  45 

Banya  (petty  trader)  to  the  vermin-eating  scavenger,  for 
each  village  is  practically  self-sustaining.  There  will  be 
the  field-labourer,  herdsman,  carpenter,  blacksmith,  potter, 
barber  (who  is  the  village  surgeon  and  also  a  kind  of  matri- 
monial agent),  water-carrier,  washerman,  weaver,  leather- 
worker,  sweeper,  and  other  castes. 

These  low-caste  and  out-caste  labourers  and  menials  are 
of  aboriginal  or  mixed  descent,  and  all  castes  are,  of  course, 
hereditary.  They  have  no  voice  in  the  village  council,  and 
they  are  not  as  a  rule  paid  by  the  job,  but  usually  by  a 
share  of  the  year's  produce,  a  cash  allowance,  and  certain 
perquisites.  Where  materials  are  required  for  any  piece 
of  work  they  are  provided  by  the  members  of  the  com- 
munity for  whom  the  work  is  being  done. 

In  area  the  villages  cultivated  by  such  communities  will 
average  at  least  six  hundred  acres,  and  Lawrence  had 
guaranteed  to  survey  no  less  than  three  thousand  villages 
within  the  year. 


CHAPTER  VI 
(1835-1838) 

henry  Lawrence's  love  story 

Death  of  Colonel  Lawrence  —  Henry's  Care  for  His  Mother — 
Marries  Honoria  Marshall — Her  Letters  from  India — Rumours 
of  War — A  Wife's  Remonstrance. 

Henry  Lawrence  was  ever  as  good  as  his  word.  He 
guaranteed  three  thousand  square  miles  and  accomplished 
five  thousand.  It  was  at  this  period  of  his  life  that  Mr. 
Thomason  gave  him  the  nickname  "  Gunpowder  "  because 
of  the  "  explosive  force  "  with  which  he  shattered  all 
obstacles.  His  heart  was  in  his  work — yet  his  heart  was  in 
England.  Great  as  his  passion  for  duty  was,  it  could  not 
stifle  his  love  for  Honoria  Marshall,  though  he  found  in 
energetic  devotion  to  his  work  a  relief  from  his  thoughts. 

Since  the  parting  in  1829  two  forces  had  combined  to 
bid  him  forget.  The  one  was  his  duty  to  his  mother,  who 
was  dependent  on  her  sons'  support ;  the  other  his  modesty, 
which  assured  him  that  he  was  unworthy.  But  in  the 
survey  his  prospects  brightened,  the  "  Lawrence  Fund  " 
flourished,  and  in  one  of  those  moments  when  nothing 
seems  impossible,  he  wrote  to  his  sister  that,  "  I  really  think 
I  shall  be  mad  enough  to  tell  her  my  story  and  try  to  make 
her  believe  that  I  have  loved  for  five  years,  and  said  nothing 
of  my  love.     The  thing  seems  incredible,  but  it  is  true." 

The  death  of  his  father,  in  May  1835,  deterred  him  from 
acting  upon  the  resolve.     The  widowed  mother  must  now 

46 


Henry  Lawrence's  Love  Story  47 

be  his  first  care,  and  he  must  give  up  all  hope  of  winning 
Honoria  Marshall.  So  he  threw  himself  into  the  survey 
work  with  redoubled  energy,  to  lift  his  thoughts  above  the 
ruin  of  his  hopes,  until  his  friends  feared  for  his  health  and 
warned  him  against  trying  to  measure  too  many  villages, 
against  staying  out  too  long  in  the  sun,  and  the  remon- 
strance had  as  much  effect  as  such  advice  usually  has. 

At  this  point  Letitia,  the  fairy  godmother,  stepped  in 
with  the  magic  wand,  and  the  dejection  was  displaced  by 
a  great  joy.  She  told  Miss  Marshall  that  which  Henry's 
humility  had  forbidden  him  to  speak,  and  Honoria  was 
proud  and  happy  to  have  won  the  love  of  such  a  man. 

Colonel  Lawrence's  pension  had  died  with  him,  and  the 
widow  had  been  left  penniless.  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes  has 
told  how  the  old  soldier  could  never  see  a  fellow-creature 
in  want  while  he  had  a  pound  to  give  away ;  how  in  his  last 
illness  he  destroyed  the  bond  of  a  brother  officer  "  lest  his 
executors  should  demand  payment."  The  five  sons  had 
inherited  the  unselfishness  and  liberality  of  the  hero  of 
Seringapatam,  and,  even  in  the  first  rapture  of  the  amazing 
knowledge  that  his  love  was  returned,  Henry  Lawrence 
did  not  forget  that  his  chief  care  must  be  for  his  mother. 
"  Mind  me,  Lettice,"  he  wrote,  after  thanking  his  sister 
for  this  new  proof  of  her  love,  "  I  set  agoing  our  fund  and 
rather  dunned  John  into  aiding  it  at  first;  but  I  mistook 
my  man,  for,  instead  of  requiring  to  be  urged,  he  has  put 
me  to  shame.  It  would,  therefore,  ill  become  me  now  to 
leave  him  in  the  lurch.  ...  I  hold  no  claim  on  me  so  sacred 
as  to  put  by  all  I  can  spare  until  such  a  sum  is  accumulated 
as  at  interest  will  produce  a  moderate  income  for  our 
mother."1  In  his  zeal  to  cherish  and  comfort  her,  said 
Sir  John  Kaye,  "  he  had  the  fervour  of  an  apostle  and  the 
simplicity  of  a  child." 

After  the  death  of  Mrs.  Lawrence  a  copy  in  her  own 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  132. 


48  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

handwriting  of  one  of  Henry's  earliest  letters  to  his  sweet- 
heart was  found  among  her  most  precious  treasures : — 

"  You  have  already,  my  precious  Honoria,  a  daughter's 
interest  in  my  mother's  heart,  and,  I  trust,  feel  towards  her 
as  a  child  to  her  parent.  She  has  ever  been  to  us  all  a  kind 
and  too  indulgent  one,  and  we  have  hardly  ministered  to 
her  as  we  might,  and  ought  to  have  done,  when  money  is 
but  a  small  matter,  and  the  giving  it  requires  more  delicacy 
by  far  than  taking,  and  I  feel  that  it  is  because  our  mother 
is  somewhat  beholden  to  us  in  a  pecuniary  way,  that  we 
are  the  more  called  on  to  be  watchful  and  jealous  over 
ourselves,  and  do  all  in  our  power  to  soothe  her  in  her 
widowhood;  for  her  heart  must  indeed  be  now  desolate 
and  alive  to  neglect  or  want  of  sympathy,  after  possessing 
for  thirty-seven  years  the  first  place  in  such  a  heart  as  my 
father's ;  one  that  teemed  with  affection ;  not  cold  formal 
attention,  but  spirit-stirring  love ;  ever  the  same,  un- 
ceasing and  unchanged  to  the  last.  His  was  indeed  a  heart 
of  hearts,  only  too  kind  and  too  trusting ;  but  he  is  gone, 
and  I  trust  that  through  the  merits  of  our  Saviour  is  now 
in  peace,  and  looking  down  upon  his  children  with  his  own 
look  of  love."  * 

John's  congratulations  were  characteristically  practical. 

"  I  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  your  happy  prospects. 
Honoria  Marshall  was  certainly,  when  I  knew  her,  a  delight- 
ful creature.  You  are  certainly  a  most  fortunate  fellow.  .  .  . 
You  must  try  and  get  some  other  appointment  than  in  the 
survey,  which  will  never  do  for  a  married  man,  as  you 
can't  drag  your  wife  about  in  the  jungles  in  the  hot  winds." 

Miss  Marshall  arrived  in  the  Hughli  in  July  1837,  and 
on  August  21  they  were  married  at  the  Mission  Church, 
Calcutta. 

The  extracts  from  the  wife's  letters  and  journal  reveal 
a  woman  whose  intellect  and  character  were  of  the  highest 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  pp.  134-135. 


Henry  Lawrence's  Love  Story  49 

order.  Since  their  first  meeting  sorrow  and  sickness  had 
left  their  traces  on  her  youthful  loveliness,  but  they  had 
brought  out  the  womanly  sweetness  and  sympathy,  and 
the  "  othenvorldliness  "  which  were  such  strong  features 
of  her  character. 

On  the  outward  voyage  she  writes  pathetically  of  the 
"  unwonted  sensation  "  of  feeling  "  perfectly  well,"  but 
though  the  constant  changes  and  continual  moving  about 
of  her  first  years  as  the  wife  of  Henry  Lawrence  must  have 
been  trying  to  so  delicate  a  constitution,  her  letters  contain 
no  complaints.  They  disclose  a  brave  determination  to 
make  the  best  of  everything,  to  see  the  bright — even  the 
humorous  —  side  of  strange  and  embarrassing  ways  of 
life,  to  do  nothing  and  say  no  word  that  would  discourage 
or  hinder  her  husband's  work. 

Her  writings  prove  that  she  was  no  mean  narrator. 
They  are  full  of  bright  descriptions  of  Indian  scenes,  of  the 
interesting  people  she  comes  across,  the  kind  English  folk, 
the  picturesque  native  assistants,  the  clergyman's  widow, 
and  the  Hindu  girls  of  the  Orphan  Refuge  in  Calcutta. 
Though  the  excellent  work  of  this  school  was  for  the  benefit 
of  native  girls  alone,  Mrs.  Wilson,  its  founder,  has  also 
earned  the  gratitude  of  Europeans,  for  the  impression 
made  upon  the  newly-married  couple  was  partly  responsible 
for  the  scheme  of  the  Lawrence  Asylums,  with  which  the 
names  of  Henry  and  Honoria  Lawrence  are  for  ever  asso- 
ciated, the  living  memorial  to  their  goodness  when  the 
conquest  and  pacification  of  the  Sikhs  has  become  a  matter 
of  history. 

Before  leaving  home  she  had  given  Letitia  a  solemn 
promise  that  she  would  do  what  lay  in  her  power  to  confirm 
that  trust  in  God  which  was  already  her  lover's  possession, 
to  help  him  and  be  helped  by  him  on  the  rugged  path,  to 
lift  his  thoughts  in  times  of  tribulation  above  his  sorrows 
and  discouragements.     And  the  strong  man  was  glad  so 


50  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

to  be  guided.  His  love  for  his  wife,  ardent  as  it  was  from 
the  first,  burned  the  more  brightly  after  each  successive 
3'ear.     There  was  no  disillusion. 

Honoria  Marshall  left  her  home  firmly  resolved  to  share 
in  the  labours  and  worries  of  her  hard-worked  husband. 
"  You  can't  drag  your  wife  about  in  the  jungles,"  said 
John,  but  the  wife  settled  that  for  herself.  She  could  help 
him,  and  where  she  could  not  help  she  would  not  hinder, 
and  he  was  so  careless  and  unsparing  of  himself  that  he 
needed  some  one  to  look  after  him.  While  at  Gorakhpur, 
before  marriage,  he  used  to  be  too  absorbed  in  his  work  to 
have  leisure  for  meals.  He  would  invite  people  to  dinner 
and  omit  to  make  any  provision  for  them,  whereupon  his 
neighbour,  Mr.  Reade,  would  come  to  the  rescue  time  after 
time.  But,  whatever  might  be  lacking,  "  no  man  ever  sat 
at  Henry  Lawrence's  table  without  learning  to  think  better 
of  the  natives,"  said  one  who  had  partaken  of  his  hospi- 
tality. 

"  You  bid  me  describe  him,"  writes  the  wife  to  her  friend, 
Mrs.  Cameron.  "  I  will  try.  He  is  thirty-one  but  looks 
older,  is  rather  tall,  very  thin  and  sallow,  and  has  altogether 
an  appearance  of  worse  health  than  he  really  has.  Dark 
hair,  waxing  scanty  now,  high  forehead,  very  projecting 
eyebrows,  small  sunken  eyes,  long  nose,  thin  cheeks,  no 
whiskers,  and  a  very  pretty  mouth.  Very  active  and  alert 
in  his  habits,  but  very  unmethodical.  As  to  dress  and 
externals,  perfectly  careless,  and  would  walk  out  with  a 
piece  of  carpet  about  his  shoulders  as  readily  as  with  a 
coat,1  and  would  invite  people  to  dinner  on  a  cold  shoulder 

1  Sir  John  Kaye  has  told  how,  ten  years  later,  just  after  the 
honour  of  knighthood  had  been  conferred  upon  Henry  Lawrence, 
they  were  walking  together  in  Regent  Street,  and  it  gradually 
dawned  upon  the  unsophisticated  Irishman  that  his  attire  was 
calculated  to  attract  attention.  He  was  wearing  "  an  antiquated 
frock-coat,  and  an  old  grey  shepherd's  plaid  was  crossed  over  his 
breast."  "They  must  think  me  a  great  guy,"  he  observed  to  his 
companion,  and  was  straightway  conducted  to  the  nearest  tailor. 


Henry  Lawrence's  Love  Story  5  1 

of  mutton  as  readily  as  to  a  feast.  There  now,  I  do  think 
you  have  an  impartial  description  of  my  lord  and  master."  1 

Here  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Letitia  (now  Mrs. 
Hayes) . 

"  Dearest  Lettice, — When  I  think  of  the  being  to  whom  I 
am  joined,  I  wonder  where  such  an  one  came  from,  and  I 
take  delight  in  analysing  the  heart  laid  open  to  me.  I 
never  saw  a  being  who  had  so  right  an  estimate  of  the  true 
use  of  money.  He  literally  is  but  a  steward  of  his  own 
income,  for  the  good  of  others.  But  he  has  ever  a  higher 
generosity ;  he  never  blames  others  for  faults  he  is  himself 
free  from.  You  know  his  perfect  transparency  of  character. 
I  suppose  since  he  was  born  it  never  entered  his  head  to  do 
anything  for  effect,  and  his  manner  is  precisely  the  same 
to  all  ranks  of  people.  ...  No  one  sees  his  imperfections 
more  clearly  than  I  do,  so  I  do  not  judge  blindly,  nor  do  I 
hesitate  to  tell  him  when  I  think  he  is  wrong.  But  his 
faults  may  be  summed  up  in  very  few  words.  He  wants 
method ;  he  is  occasionally  hasty ;  and  he  is  too  careless 
of  appearances.  But  if  you  were  to  see  how  his  temper  is 
tried  by  the  nature  of  his  work,  you  would  not  wonder  at  its 
giving  way.  And  this  fault  is  clearly  mending.  Indeed, 
I  often  wonder  at  his  forbearance.  I  sometimes  fear  lest 
my  love  for  him  should  become  of  that  idolatrous  kind  that 
brings  chastisement  on  itself;  yet  surely  I  look  on  him  as 
the  gift  of  God,  and  never  I  think  were  my  prayers  so 
fervent  as  now  that  they  are  joined  with  his.  His  un- 
professing  simplicity  of  conduct  often  checks  my  wordy 
tendency,  and  makes  me  weigh  the  practical  value  of  my 
feelings  before  I  give  them  utterance."  2 

Henry  Lawrence  was  now  the  head  of  an  establishment, 
nearly  one  thousand  strong,  and  as  the  work  of  super- 
intendence necessitated  constant  journeys  up  and  down 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  pp.  1 53-1 54. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  i.  pp.  1 60-161. 


52  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

the  North-Western  Provinces,  the  bride  could  hardly  be 
said  to  have  a  home.  She  found  comfort  in  the  thoughts 
that  "  though  I  may  not  interrupt  him  by  speaking,  I  can 
sit  by  him  while  he  works  at  his  maps  and  papers,"  and 
that  "  his  situation  gives  him  considerable  power  for 
benefiting  others.  It  is  pleasant  to  think  how  many  of 
those  about  him  owe  their  comfortable  and  respectable 
situations  in  life  wholly  to  him." 

"  But  you  will  desire  rather  to  know,"  she  wrote  to  Mrs. 
Cameron,  "  how  I  find  my  own  spiritual  condition  affected 
by  this  new  world.  Certainly  I  miss  very  much  the  out- 
ward observances  of  religion,  and  its  public  institutions ; 
but  with  these  we  have  also  left  behind  much  of  the  wood, 
hay,  and  stubble  that  deface  piety,  where  it  is  professed 
by  the  many.  It  is  a  position  to  try  our  motives,  for, 
situated  as  we  are,  there  is  nothing  to  be  either  gained  or 
lost  by  religion,  there  is  no  temptation  to  profess  more  than 
we  feel,  or  to  deceive  ourselves  by  setting  down  excitement 
for  piety."  l 

To  another  friend:  "  Yet  there  are  advantages  here  too, 
and  piety,  if  it  flourish  at  all  in  such  a  life,  is  more  likely  to 
be  simple  and  healthy,  than  where  we  are  in  the  excitement 
of  religious  bustle.  You  know  we  used  to  argue  this  point 
at  home,  where  I  have  impertinently  told  you,  that  your 
religious  dissipation  was  as  bad  as  other  peoples'  worldly." 

His  assistant  at  Gorakhpur  has  given  us  some  idea  of  the 
bride's  luxurious  life  during  her  early  days  in  the  East.2 
He  describes  her  great  gifts,  her  cheerful  character,  and 
happiness  in  sharing  her  husband's  work.  Captain  and 
Mrs.  Lawrence  shared  "  a  tent  some  ten  feet  square,  a 
suspended  shawl  separating  her  bedroom  and  dressing- 
table  from  the  hospitable  breakfast-table ;  and  then  both 
were   in   their  glory."     In   the   north  of  the  Gorakhpur 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  151. 

3  Kaye's  Lives  of  Indian  Officers,  vol.  ii.  pp.  283-284. 


Henry  Lawrence's  Love  Story  53 

district  a  jungle  tract  had  to  be  surveyed,  adjoining  the 
Terai,  that  belt  of  malarious  forest — a  preserve  of  the  tiger 
and  the  elephant — that  separates  Nepal  from  Hindustan. 
Lawrence's  party  attacked  one  side,  the  assistant's  the 
other,  and  they  met  and  connected  the  survey  in  a  spot 
where  the  dews  were  so  heavy  that  the  beds  were  wet 
through  each  night,  and  fires  had  to  be  kept  alight  to 
scare  away  tigers  and  wild  elephants.  What  then  was  the 
assistant's  surprise  to  find  Mrs.  Lawrence  sharing  the  peril. 
"  She  was  seated  [writing  letters !  ]  on  the  bank  of  a  nullah, 
her  feet  overhanging  the  den  of  some  wild  animal." 

By  the  close  of  the  year  1837  the  Gorakhpur  district  was 
surveyed  and  the  Lawrences  set  out  for  Allahabad,  the 
next  district  on  the  list.  It  was  the  fate  of  Henry  Lawrence 
that  in  whatever  place  he  stayed,  during  his  thirty-six 
years'  wandering  service,  he  never  left  except  amid  general 
sorrow.  The  lads  of  the  English  school  at  Gorakhpur 
missed  the  friend  who  had  never  been  too  busy  to  take  an 
interest  in  them,  who  had  found  them  places  in  the  Survey 
Office  when  too  old  for  school,  and  who,  when  work  was 
over,  had  hired  ponies  and  sent  them  off  for  long  rides  for 
the  good  of  their  health  and  for  the  joy  that  it  gave  him  to 
make  others  happy.1 

Among  the  coincidences  that  abound  in  the  record  of 
these  brothers'  lives  the  case  of  the  second  Henry  Lawrence 
is  remarkable.  Soon  after  Henry  Lawrence's  first  arrival 
in  India  he  received  letters  intended  for  another  lieutenant 
of  the  same  name,  of  the  19th  Native  Infantry,  and  this 
state  of  confusion  continued  for  years.  Now  came  to 
India  a  letter  from  Letitia  beginning  "  Dearest  Henry  and 
Honoria,"  and  this  was  opened  and  partly  read  by  the 
other  Henry  Lawrence  before  he  realised  that  it  was  not 

1  "  For  every  child  he  met  in  my  own  family,  in  the  Missionary  or 
other  public  schools,  he  had  a  word  of  kindness  or  encouragement." 
— Mr.  Raike's  Notes. 


54  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

his.  For  he  also  had  married  a  wife  with  the  name  of 
Honoria. 

About  this  time  a  second  war  with  Burma  threatened, 
and  there  was  also  a  talk  of  "  that  constant  bugbear  "  a 
Gurkha  invasion  of  British  India.  Henry  Lawrence  at 
once  remembers  that  he  is  a  soldier. 

He  had  proved  himself  humble  in  ways  that  admit  of 
no  doubt,  but  the  humility  was  not  inconsistent  with  a 
readiness  to  undertake  responsibility.  Few  great  men 
have  been  so  free  from  conceit — in  the  objectionable  sense 
of  the  word  —  yet  his  self-confidence  was  sublime.  In  a 
man  of  less  sound  judgment  the  manner  of  showing  this 
would  have  been  amusing,  for  the  fear  of  being  laughed 
at  rarely  deterred  him  from  speaking  out.  Seven  years 
before  his  marriage,  while  still  an  obscure  lieutenant 
of  twenty-four  years  of  age,  he  had  not  shrunk  from 
advising  the  Governor-General  to  reconsider  the  order 
substituting  bullock  for  horse  draft  in  the  foot  artillery. 
Having  stated  his  arguments  clearly  and  forcibly  he  begged 
his  lordship  to  "  pardon  the  intrusion  and  impute  it  to  my 
anxiety  to  see  the  foot  artillery,  to  which  I  am  attached, 
in  a  state  of  efficiency,  which  I  fear  can  never  be  the  case 
so  long  as  the  field  guns  are  drawn  by  bullocks."  No 
sooner,  then,  did  he  hear  of  the  preparations  for  war  with 
Burma  than  he  resolved  to  give  the  Governor-General  and 
the  Commander-in-Chief  the  benefit  of  his  experiences  in 
that  countrj7.  He  mapped  out  for  their  edification  a  plan 
of  campaign,  complete  to  the  last  detail  of  commissariat, 
baggage  and  draught  animals,  boats  on  the  Irrawady,  and 
number  and  class  of  guns,  and  penned  another  letter  dealing 
with  "  The  Quartermaster-General's  Department,  engineers, 
surveys,  roads,  canals,  and  statistics,"  urging  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  staff  corps,  and  outlining  a  system  for  "  inter- 
secting the  country  with  canals,  roads,  and  railroads." 

The  rumours  of  war  were  happily  unfounded,  and  he 


Henry  Lawrence's  Love  Story  55 

again  immersed  himself  in  the  work  of  the  survey,  until  on 
August  9,  1838,  he  was  officially  ordered  to  hold  himself 
ready  to  rejoin  his  troop.  The  storm  was  about  to  burst 
on  the  western,  not  the  eastern,  frontier,  and  all  the  talk 
was  now  of  Kabul.  He  begged  leave  to  join  the  army  at 
once  in  any  capacity,  and,  ever  busy  with  new  schemes 
and  reforms,  he  lost  no  time  in  sending  a  recommendation 
for  the  raising  of  a  corps  of  guides,  to  be  composed  of  the 
best  material,  of  picked  men  noted  for  courage,  endurance, 
and  resource.  He  quoted  examples  of  heavy  losses  and 
hardships  due  to  lack  of  early  information,  and  demon- 
strated that  such  a  corps,  costing  comparatively  little, 
might  not  only  save  the  lives  of  thousands  in  case  of  a 
frontier  war,  but  also  be  the  means  of  avoiding  enormous 
expense. 

Here  he  might  have  stopped  with  advantage  to  the 
success  of  his  scheme.  The  rest  of  his  proposals,  however, 
"  looked  just  like  a  job  from  a  very  clumsy  hand,"  as  the 
Quartermaster-General  wrote  to  George  Lawrence,  in 
commenting  on  the  brother's  naive  advice.  Such  was 
Henry's  simplicity  and  directness  that  he,  a  brevet  captain 
and  a  regimental  lieutenant,  went  on  to  recommend  to  the 
Commander-in-Chief  the  four  officers  to  be  selected  for 
the  proposed  guide  corps.  No  subterfuge,  no  diplomacy 
about  this.  A  viceroy  would  hesitate  before  conferring  his 
patronage  on  four  men  at  once ;  not  so  the  lieutenant.  No 
grandparent  cares  to  be  taught  the  method  of  sucking  eggs, 
even  should  the  youngster  be  a  genius — and  be  in  the  right. 
Small  wonder  then  that  the  communication  was  pigeon- 
holed. Eight  years  later,  when  Henry  Lawrence  was 
acting  in  the  capacity  of  regent  to  an  emperor,  he  was  able 
to  raise  his  own  corps  of  guides  and  appoint  his  own  officers, 
and  that  wonderful  corps  was  not  slow  to  justify  its 
existence. 

He  awaited  in  vain  the  order  to  rejoin  his  troop,  and  his 


56  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

wife,  rejoicing  that  he  was  not  yet  to  be  taken  from  her, 
said  not  a  word  to  discourage  his  military  ardour.  She  had 
hardly  realised  that  her  husband  was  a  soldier  only 
temporarily  engaged  in  civil  employ ;  but  Henry  was  his 
father's  son  and  the  trumpet-call  had  aroused  the  hereditary 
instinct.  A  year  had  passed  and  the  wife  was  about  to 
become  a  mother,  and  what  must  have  been  her  inmost 
thoughts  as  she  wrote  his  letters,  correcting  the  expressions 
as  the  thoughts  tumbled  over  one  another — penning  at  his 
dictation  urgent  requests  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  go 
to  the  front  to  work  his  guns.  Honour  and  duty  called 
him  awa}'.  He  belonged  to  the  Horse  Artillery  and  his 
comrades  were  going  into  danger.  There  was  his  place, 
with  them,  and  he  must  not  stay  in  ignoble  safety.  Mrs. 
Lawrence  was  cast  in  no  less  heroic  mould  than  her  husband, 
and  she  bowed  to  the  call  of  duty.  "  When  Henry's  troop 
was  ordered  to  march,  he  volunteered  to  join,  nor  could  I 
object  to  his  doing  what  was  obviously  his  duty ;  though 
I  clung  to  the  hope  that  he  would  not  be  allowed  to  quit 
his  office."  x 

More  sublime  even  than  her  perfect  unselfishness  in  those 
days  of  trial  was  the  remonstrance  addressed  to  her  husband 
when  he  was  about  to  commit  the  greatest  wrong  of  a 
life  singularly  free  from  sin — the  act  upon  which  Henry 
Lawrence  must  have  looked  back  with  most  regret.  He  had 
entered  into  a  controversy  with  the  biographer  of  General 
Sir  John  Adams.  The  exaggerated  measure  of  praise 
given  to  that  able  and  popular  general  and  the  apocryphal 
records  of  his  marches  and  campaigns  provoked  him,  as  a 
student  of  military  history,  to  correct  certain  statements. 
Admitting  that  General  Adams  was  a  fine  soldier  he  took 
the  biographer  to  task  for  making  his  hero  the  equal  of 
Wellington,  and,  in  some  respects,  the  superior.  He  had 
no  wish  to  belittle  Adams,  for  whose  achievements  and 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  p.  197.     Letter  to  Mrs.  Cameron. 


Henry  Lawrence's  Love  Story  57 

character  he  entertained  sincere  respect,  but  he  feared  that 
the  effects  of  these  eulogiums  upon  readers  imperfectly 
acquainted  with  history,  and  incapable  of  forming  a  correct 
and  well-balanced  judgment  upon  things  military,  would 
be  to  lower  the  greatness  of  Wellington  rather  than  to 
raise  Adams  to  the  level  of  the  great  Irishman. 

The  controversy  attracted  wide  attention  and,  unable 
to  meet  the  arguments  of  his  young  antagonist,  the  bio- 
grapher descended  to  personalities  and  abuse.  Finally 
he  characterised  certain  of  Lawrence's  statements  as 
"  calumnies  "  and  "  untruths." 

It  is  hardly  surprising  that  a  man  of  so  sensitive  a  tempera- 
ment and  of  so  quick  a  temper  should  have  contemplated 
an  appeal  to  the  ordeal  of  trial  by  combat,  but  that  the 
intervention  of  the  dearly-loved  wife,  the  mother,  who  but 
a  few  weeks  ago  had  given  birth  to  her  first-born,  should 
have  been,  not  disregarded  certainly,  but  unavailing, 
comes  as  a  shock. 

Great  must  have  been  the  pride,  and  keen  the  smart,  to 
uphold  him  in  wrong-doing  in  the  face  of  this  appeal. 

September  26,  1838. 
Allahabad. 

My  Husband, — You  did  to-day  what  you  never  did  before, — 
when  I  came  behind  you,  you  snatched  up  what  you  were  writing, 
that  I  might  not  see  it.  All  I  did  see  was,  '  My  dear  Campbell.' 
Dearest,  though  your  entire  confidence  in  me  has  been  a  prize 
beyond  all  price,  yet  I  do  not  forget  that  you  have  a  right  to  act 
as  you  please,  to  communicate  or  withhold  your  correspondence; 
and  if  you  deem  it  best  not  to  let  me  know  the  subject,  you  will 
never  find  me  complain  or  tease  you.  But,  my  own  love,  I  cannot 
help  surmising  the  subject  of  to-day's  letter,  that  subject  which 
has  not  been  an  hour  at  a  time  absent  from  my  mind  for  three 
weeks  nearly.  Ever  since  the  few  unforgettable  words  that  passed 
between  us,  have  I  been  struggling  in  my  mind  to  decide  what  I 
ought  to  do.  The  words  have  often  been  on  my  lips,  and  the  pen 
in  my  hand  to  address  you,  and  as  often  has  my  heart  failed  me; 
but  I  cannot  rest  till  I  speak  openly  to  you,  and  it  is  better  to  do 
so  thus  than  in  talking.  On  the  question  of  duelling,  I  will  not 
dwell  on  the  reason  of  it — all  that  you  admit;    nor  on  the  improba- 


58  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

bility  of  this  matter  becoming  more  serious,  for  that  does  not  affect 
the  general  question;  nor  on  the  heart-scald  I  feel,  and  the  injury 
this  does  to  your  wife;  these  are  woman's  feelings, — men  must  act 
on  a  different  view.  No,  my  own  most-beloved  husband,  I  only 
put  it  on  the  ground  of  fearing  God,  or  fearing  man.  I  know  that, 
to  a  man,  the  imaginary  disgrace  that  attends  an  open  declaration 
against  duelling  is  bitter  and  agonising;  but  is  not  "  crucifixion  " 
the  very  word  Christ  applies  to  these  mental  sufferings,  and  that 
to  which  He  calls  us?  You  said,  '  A  man  who  submitted  to  the 
charge  of  untruth  would  be  spit  upon.'  Was  not  Christ  literally 
spit  upon  for  us  ?  Oh,  darling,  our  Advocate  on  high  feels  for  these 
trials.  The  human  shame  attending  the  death  of  a  criminal  is  always 
spoken  of  as  aggravating  the  sufferings  of  the  Cross;  thus  showing 
us  that  our  Saviour  can  be  touched  with  the  feeling  of  our  infirmities. 
It  is  only  by  looking  to  Him  that  we  can  gain  strength  for  these 
trials;  but  from  Him  we  can  obtain  it.  You  may  think  I  put  the 
matter  too  seriously;  but  is  it  more  seriously  than  it  will  appear 
in  the  hour  of  death  and  day  of  Judgment  ?  Do  not  imagine  that 
I  cannot  enter  into  your  feelings.  Is  your  honour,  your  peace, 
your  well-being,  less  dear  to  me  than  yourself?  Nay,  dearest; 
but  when  I  see  you  do,  not  only  what  I  think  wrong,  but  what 
your  own  mind  condemns,  can  I  help  speaking? 

To  any  other  fault  you  may  be  hurried ;  but  there  is  deliberate 
sin,  not  only  in  giving  or  accepting  a  challenge,  but  in  intending 
to  do  so.  Oh!  consider  these  things;  and  before  you  decide  on 
anything,  pray  earnestly  that  God  may  direct  you.  If  I  have 
exceeded  what  a  wife  ought  to  say,  you  will  forgive  me. 

Indeed,  dearest,  I  have  tried  to  persuade  myself  that  it  was 
my  duty  not  to  interfere;  but  my  conscience  would  not  let  me 
believe  this.1 

The  heart-burning,  the  sense  of  shame  and  unworthiness, 
as  he  read  his  wife's  words  may  be  imagined,  and  the 
reverence  and  awe  with  which  he  would  afterwards  treasure 
that  evidence  of  holy  love.  He  knew,  as  he  read,  that  his 
wife  was  right,  and  he  worshipped  her  the  more,  yet 
hardened  his  heart  and  told  himself  again  and  again  that 
no  other  course  was  open  to  him.  Happily  he  was  saved 
from  himself,  for  the  artillery  officers  through  whom  the 
challenge  was  sent  decided  that  the  provocation  was  not 
sufficiently  grave  to  justify  a  challenge. 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  pp.  192-194. 


CHAPTER  VII 

(1838-1842) 

JOHN    LAWRENCE    FINDS    A    WIFE 

Etawa — Fever  and  Home  Leave — His  Irish  Temperament — ■ 
Marriage — Bad  News  from  Kabul. 

John  Lawrence  had  been  for  more  than  seven  years  in 
one  or  other  of  the  Delhi  divisions,  when  the  quality  and 
finish  of  his  work  were  marked  by  the  same  Mr.  Bird,  who 
had  already  noticed,  and  put  to  good  use,  the  qualifications 
of  the  elder  brother.  Here  was  another  Lawrence  who 
revelled  in  hard  tasks,  and  who  seemed  made  for  the 
wielding  of  power.  So  the  head  of  the  survey  called  the 
Delhi  magistrate  to  Etawa  as  settlement  officer  for  that 
district,  and  this  step  brought  the  brothers  into  the  same 
field  of  labour,  though  separated  by  hundreds  of  miles. 
Etawa  provided  John's  first  experience  of  real  famine,  and 
the  lesson  was  not  wasted.  Here  an  attack  of  jungle  fever 
might  have  deprived  India  of  her  ablest  civilian  had  not 
his  strength  of  will  prevailed.  He  defied  the  doctor,  who 
had  declared  that  the  patient  could  not  hope  to  live  another 
day,  and  with  a  bottle  of  Burgundy  and  a  strong  will  as 
medicine,  he  rose  from  his  bed  and  resumed  his  work. 

He  was,  however,  unfit  for  further  duty,  and  as  three 
months  at  Calcutta  failed  to  set  him  right,  he  decided  to 
return  to  England,  and  arrived  home  in  the  spring  of  1840. 

It  was  not  the  home  he  had  left.  His  father  was  dead, 
Letitia  was  married,  his  brothers  and  sisters  were  scattered 
abroad,  but  he  was  welcomed  by  a  mother's  love,  and 

59 


60  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

thankfulness  that  this,  her  fourth  son,  was  following  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  others.  Few  mothers  have  had  such 
reason  to  be  proud  of  their  children,  and  when  she  reflected 
that  it  was  the  widow's  poverty  that  called  forth  the  self- 
denial  of  the  four  sons  she  would  hardly  regret  that  the 
generosity  of  her  husband's  nature  had  prevented  his 
becoming  wealthy.  She  might  have  dwelt  less  in  their 
thoughts  had  she  stood  in  no  need  of  their  help.  The 
"  Lawrence  Fund  "  had  grown  apace,  and  the  interest 
therefrom  sufficed  to  keep  Mrs.  Lawrence  in  comfort. 
John,  the  unmarried  civilian,  was  now  the  largest  con- 
tributor to,  and  manager  of,  the  fund.  He  had  more  of 
the  Scottish  temperament  than  his  brothers,  and  was  the 
financier  of  the  family.  Since  Henry's  marriage  he  had 
also  taken  the  essentially  "  Irish  "  brother's  financial 
affairs  in  hand,  greatly  to  the  profit  of  Henry  and  Honoria. 

By  many  that  knew  him  only  in  his  official  capacity  as 
dispenser  of  justice  and  overseer  of  labour,  John  Lawrence 
was  accounted  a  stern  man,  who,  unsparing  of  himself, 
would  demand  the  full  tale  of  bricks  from  those  over  whom 
he  was  placed  in  authority.  "  When  he  is  in  anger,"  said 
one  of  his  native  settlement  officers,  "  his  voice  is  like  a 
tiger's  roar,  and  the  pens  tremble  in  the  hands  of  the 
writers  all  round  the  room."1  Yet  the  first  journey  he 
made  from  Clifton  was  a  pilgrimage  to  the  grave  of  the  old 
nurse,  Margaret,  who  had  held  his  hand  in  the  darkened 
room,  and  whose  devotion  he  never  forgot. 

Those  who  had  the  privilege  of  his  friendship  would  not 
have  been  surprised  by  this  proof  of  affection.  It  was  their 
good  fortune  to  see  him  at  play,  often  rough  and  boisterous, 
at  times  gentle  and  kindly;  now  and  then  concealing  the 
tenderness  of  his  affection  beneath  a  veil  of  chaff,  for 
John  Lawrence  had  his  share  of  the  family's  Irish  blood. 
The  humour-loving  side  of  his  character  was  displayed 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  99. 


John  Lawrence  Finds  a  Wife  61 

during  a  visit  to  his  sister,  Mrs.  Hayes.  His  love  for  Letitia 
was  evident  enough,  but  his  was  not  the  conventional 
method  of  expression,  and  a  friend  of  Mrs.  Hayes  has 
recorded  her  surprise  at  his  playfulness.  "  He  would 
romp  with  her  and  keep  up  a  perpetual  chaff,  finding  a 
continual  source  of  fun  in  the  age  and  peculiarities  of  Mr. 
Hayes,  for  whom  he  had  nevertheless  a  great  respect, 
though  he  used  to  take  great  delight  in  teasing  her  about 
him,  and  saying  that  he  was  the  very  model  of  a  decoy 
Thug."1  It  may  be  explained  that  Mr.  Hayes  was  a 
venerable  clergyman. 

To  the  last  he  abhorred  overmuch  conventionality, 
classing  as  "  cakey-men  "  all  that  pride  themselves  upon 
the  correctness  of  their  attitude  towards  the  little  things 
that  do  not  count. 

The  same  lady  tells  how  his  store  of  anecdotes  of  Eastern 
life  and  adventure  would  keep  them  interested  night  after 
night.  In  the  morning  he  would  amuse  them  by  narrating 
his  escapades  at  some  party  on  the  previous  evening,  his 
pretended  object  being  the  search  for  the  "  calamity." 
By  this  term  he  referred  to  the  future  Lady  Lawrence, 
and  the  three  qualities  he  demanded  of  this  unknown 
personage  were  good  health,  good  temper,  and  good  sense. 
Though  not  considered  necessary,  good  looks  would  be 
welcomed. 

Next  summer  he  found  the  "  calamity "  in  County 
Donegal,  and  his  life  was  henceforward  blessed  and 
enlarged.  Harriette  Catherine  Hamilton  combined  the 
three  requisites  with  the  additional  grace.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  the  rector  of  Culdaff  and  Cloncha,  a  strong, 
brave  man,  who  could  welcome  John  Lawrence  as  a  son-in- 
law  after  his  own  heart.  The  marriage  took  place  in 
August  1841,  and  a  tribute  to  the  characters  of  the 
Hamiltons  lies  in  the  significant  fact  that  "  rich  and  poor, 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  120. 

E 


62  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

high  and  low,  Catholic  and  Protestant,  came  from  far  and 
near  to  do  honour  to  the  bride  and  her  family."  1 

He  does  not  appear  to  have  been  beset  by  doubts  con- 
cerning the  wisdom  of  his  choice,  and  he  made  no  attempt 
to  conceal  his  opinion.  Many  years  later,  having  become 
aware  that  Lady  Lawrence  had  left  the  room,  Sir  John 
asked  where  she  was,  and  repeated  the  question  after  a 
short  interval.  At  the  third  inquiry  Mrs.  Hayes  exclaimed, 
"  Why,  really,  John,  it  would  seem  as  if  you  could  not  get 
on  for  five  minutes  without  your  wife." 

"  That's  why  I  married  her,"  said  he. 

After  thirty  years  of  married  life  John  Lawrence,  Viceroy 
of  India,  wrote  in  his  diary,  "  In  August  1841  I  took 
perhaps  the  most  important,  and  certainly  the  happiest, 
step  in  my  life — in  getting  married.  My  wife  has  been  to 
me  everything  that  a  man  could  wish  or  hope  for."  2 

The  bride  and  bridegroom  spent  six  months  on  the 
Continent,  a  holiday  that  ended  abruptly  on  the  arrival 
of  the  news  from  Kabul.  They  hurried  back  to  England 
in  order  to  comfort  Mrs.  George  Lawrence  and  her  children, 
stricken  down  by  the  tidings  of  the  captivity  of  husband 
and  father. 

John  Lawrence  quickly  made  up  his  mind  to  return  to 
duty.  But  as  he  had  never  really  recovered  from  the 
Etawa  fever,  the  doctors  solemnly  warned  him  that  he 
must  abandon  all  idea  of  India.  Believing  that  there  was 
little  to  be  looked  for  at  home,  and  influenced  by  the 
fascination  of  the  East,  he  declared  that  if  he  could  not 
live  in  India  he  would  go  and  die  there ;  and  in  the  autumn 
of  1842  he  and  his  wife  sailed  from  Southampton. 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  125.  2  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  126. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
(1838-1841) 

THE    CIS-SUTLEJ    STATES 

Henry  at  Fcrozepore — His  Town  prospers— The  Sikhs  have  Con- 
fidence in  Him. 

On  October  1,  1838,  Henry  Lawrence  left  Allahabad  to 
join  the  army  of  the  Indus.  He  received  an  offer  of  a 
hundred  rupees  monthly  to  act  as  correspondent  to  a 
Calcutta  paper,  and  accepted  on  certain  terms.  He  would 
supply  no  information  that  was  not  "  above  board  ";  the 
money  was  to  be  divided  between  the  Calcutta  Orphan 
Asylum  and  the  Benevolent  Institution,  and  his  name  was 
not  to  be  mentioned. 

Hostilities  were  suspended,  however,  the  army  was 
reduced,  and  he  would  have  returned  to  Allahabad  in  due 
course  had  he  not  become  aware  of  an  opportunity  that 
seemed  full  of  promise.  Mr.  George  Clerk,  the  political 
agent  at  Ludhiana — one  of  the  capitals  of  the  Protected 
Sikh  States — was  in  want  of  an  assistant  to  take  charge 
of  Ferozepore,  an  outpost  on  the  Sutlej,  over  against  the 
empire  of  the  Sikhs.  Captain  Lawrence  perceived  the 
importance  of  the  situation  of  this  village,  and  believed 
that  he  could  make  it  the  base  for  the  operations  of  the 
Kabul  army.  He  applied  for  the  post,  and,  on  the  recom- 
mendation of  Mr.  Frederick  Currie,  he  was  appointed 
officiating  assistant  to  Mr.  Clerk. 

The  Cis-Sutlej  Sikh  States  had  been  saved  by  the  influ- 
ence and  prestige  of  the  East  India  Company  from  the 
rapacity  of  Ranjit  Singh,  who  had  absorbed  the  baronies 

63 


64  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

and  principalities  of  his  Sikh  colleagues  and  Moslem 
enemies  until  the  Punjab  and  Kashmir  were  his  and  the 
Pathan  tribesmen  of  the  Trans-Indus  plains  owned  his 
sway.  The  "  one-eyed  Sikh  " — at  first  hardly  more  than 
a  robber-chief — was  a  statesman  as  well  as  a  soldier,  and 
under  his  strong  rule  the  Sikh  sect  became  a  nation  and  the 
army  of  the  Khalsa  one  of  the  most  powerful  and  the  best 
armed  in  the  annals  of  India. 

Ranjit  Singh  was  ambitious  as  he  was  daring,  and  he 
greatly  desired  to  possess  the  vineyards  of  the  Cis-Sutlej 
chieftains.  But  the  Indian  Government  had  no  wish  to 
see  him  cross  the  barrier  of  the  Sutlej — the  great  river  that 
divides  the  Punjab  and  Hindustan — for  his  power  was 
already  a  menace  to  the  peace  of  India,  and  they  held  over 
the  Cis-Sutlej  Sikhs  the  shield  of  British  protection.  If 
Ranjit  Singh  had  most  of  the  vices  common  to  Asiatic 
despots,  he  had  one  quality  that  rarely  flourishes  amid  such 
environment  as  was  his.  Though  the  owner  of  a  most 
efficient  fighting-machine,  though  consistently  victorious 
in  his  undertakings,  though  surrounded  by  flatterers  who 
lauded  his  virtues  and  his  invincibility,  the  "  Lion  of  the 
Punjab  "  was  not  overwhelmed  by  the  contemplation  of  his 
own  greatness.  He  still  retained  his  powers  of  judgment 
and  sense  of  proportion ;  he  believed  his  English  neighbours 
to  be  irresistible,  and  he  never  swerved  from  his  determina- 
tion to  live  and  die  the  Emperor  of  the  Punjab. 

Ranjit  Singh,  therefore,  in  pursuance  of  his  policy  to 
remain  on  good  terms  with  the  English,  gave  up  with  a 
good  grace  his  designs  upon  the  Cis-Sutlej  States.  The 
Protected  Sikh  Princes  were  delivered  from  the  peril,  and 
they  have  proved  their  gratitude  by  consistent  loyalty 
to  their  preservers. 

There  was  no  lack  of  work  connected  with  the  new  post. 
Henry  Lawrence  was  collector,  magistrate,  civil  and 
military  engineer,  universal  provider,  and  paymaster  to 


The  Cis-Sutlcj  States  65 

the  troops  that  passed  through  Ferozepore.  He  cheerfully 
added  to  his  other  duties  that  of  honorary  postmaster  to 
the  army  as  soon  as  his  ready  sympathy  reminded  him  how 
the  men  would  be  longing  for  letters  from  home;  and  he 
was  also  called  upon  to  perforin  the  marriage  and  baptismal 
services.  Yet,  by  the  acceptance  of  this  important  office,  he 
had  suffered  a  loss  of  two  hundred  rupees  per  month.  John, 
the  civilian,  was  in  receipt  of  two  thousand  rupees  monthly 
after  nine  years'  service ;  Henry,  who  had  been  in  the  army 
sixteen  years,  had  to  be  content  with  seven  hundred. 

The  district  was  very  unsettled.  Escape  across  the 
frontier  being  easy,  murder  and  outrage  cost  the  province 
at  least  five  hundred  lives  each  year.  The  energy  of  the 
new  magistrate  quickly  showed  good  results;  he  rebuilt 
and  walled  the  place,  and  as  life  and  property  became 
secure  the  people  migrated  into  Lawrence's  town,  shops 
were  opened,  and  a  tide  of  prosperity  set  in.  He  was  called 
in  to  decide  a  boundary  dispute  of  long  standing  on  the 
British  side  of  the  Sutlej .  Usually  in  such  cases  one  party 
will  be  bitterly  aggrieved  and  the  other  not  wholly  satisfied, 
but  so  impressed  were  the  neighbouring  chiefs  by  his 
sagacity  and  fairness,  and  by  his  amazing  understanding 
of  the  Asiatic  mind,  that  petty  "  barons  "  across  the  border 
as  well  as  in  the  Protected  States  began  to  petition  that 
Captain  Lawrence  might  be  sent  to  settle  their  boundaries. 

The  manner  of  his  first  meeting  with  one  who  was  after- 
wards numbered  among  his  most  distinguished  disciples 
illustrates  the  greatness  of  his  influence  over  the  turbulent 
fanatics  of  the  frontier.  While  shooting  along  the  banks 
of  the  Sutlej,  Lieutenant  Harry  Lumsden  and  a  friend  had 
been  knocked  from  their  horses  and  seized  by  a  mob  of 
Sikhs,  and  on  the  pretext  of  their  having  murdered  a  man 
whom  they  had  never  seen  were  condemned  to  be  shot 
within  ten  minutes.1  "  All  of  a  sudden  something  occurred 
1  Lumsden  of  the  Guides,  pp.  12-13. 


66  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

which  completely  changed  the  state  of  affairs,  for  we  were 
not  only  taken  back  to  the  fort,  but  soon  found  ourselves 
released,  our  servants  collected,  camp  arranged,  and 
abundance  of  provisions  brought  in  for  man  and  beast. 
The  headman  of  the  village  arrived  with  presents  and  all 
sorts  of  apologies,"  for  the  news  was  brought  that  one 
of  Lumsden's  servants  had  escaped  and  was  now  riding 
hard  towards  Ferozepore  to  inform  Lawrence  Sahib  of  the 
outrage.  "  These  were  the  magical  words  which  had 
saved  our  lives,"  and  late  at  night  Lawrence  himself  arrived ; 
the  mob  cowered  before  him,  and  the  chief  offenders  were 
given  upx 

Ranjit  Singh  died  and  unrest  ensued.  The  question  of 
war  at  once  came  to  the  front.  It  was  a  matter  of  common 
knowledge  that  the  Sikhs,  puffed  up  by  their  career  of 
success,  would  have  invaded  British  territory  long  ago  but 
for  Ranjit  Singh's  tight  grasp  of  the  reins.  Lawrence  was 
in  the  habit  of  taking  time  by  the  forelock ;  he  made  himself 
acquainted  with  the  histories  and  characters  of  the  most 
powerful  Sikh  sirdars,  he  got  to  know  all  about  their  army, 
and  much  about  their  resources  and  prejudices,  and  found 
time  to  write  a  romance  of  the  Punjab  for  the  benefit  of  all 
who  might  care  to  learn  something  of  the  Sikhs. 

At  Ferozepore  a  second  child  was  born,  a  girl  who  was, 
of  course,  named  Letitia.  "  We  could  never  so  have 
loved,"  Mrs.  Lawrence  had  occasion  to  write  a  few  months 
later,  "  had  we  not  sorrowed  together,  and  together  found 
peace  and  joy  in  believing."  For  the  children  were  attacked 
by  fever  and  the  little  girl  was  taken  from  them. 

"  How  little  can  we  guess  the  shape  in  which  blessings 
are  to  come,"  1  the  mother  wrote  to  Letitia  Hayes.  "  Since 
we  were  called  on  to  part  with  our  daughter  ...  I  have 
now  the  full  knowledge  that  my  own  husband  is  the  faithful 

1  Lijc  of  Sii  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  pp.  271-272. 


The  Cis-Sutlej  States  67 

and  humble  servant  of  his  God  and  Saviour — that  the 
heart  which  was  always  so  full  of  every  right  feeling  towards 
his  fellow-creatures  is  also  brought  home  to  his  Maker. 
You  know  how  lowly  Henry  thinks  of  himself;  how  he 
shrinks  from  any  profession  that  he  may  not  wholly  act  up 
to,  but  I  would  you  could  see  the  gentle,  humbler  spirit 
that  actuates  him,  the  truly  Christian  temper  of  his  whole 
mind." 

And  while  they  were  yet  mourning  their  loss  there  came 
to  the  outpost  the  terrible  news  from  Kabul  that  spread 
consternation  throughout  the  British  Empire  and  paralysed 
the  Government  of  India.  He  sent  on  the  news  and,  while 
waiting  for  orders,  began  to  prepare  the  troops  within  his 
district  for  the  work  that  lay  before  them. 


CHAPTER  IX 

(1841-1842) 

THE    FIRST   AFGHAN    WAR 

Lord  Auckland's  Madness — The  Kabul  Disaster — George  Lawrence 
a  Prisoner — Sikh  Contempt  of  the  English — Gravity  of  the 
Situation — Henry  Lawrence  selected  as  Political  Officer  with 
the  Army — Sikh  Co-operation — A  Wife's  Heroism. 

The  First  Afghan  War  was  a  sorry  business.  Leaving  out 
of  the  question  the  moral  aspect,  war  is  usually  waged 
either  because  there  is  hope  of  something  to  be  gained  by 
fighting  or  because  there  is  fear  lest  something  should  be 
lost  by  not  fighting.  The  First  Afghan  War  stands  outside 
this  category;  it  was  the  effect  of  incompetence  alone. 
It  was  not  more  wicked  than  other  wars,  except  as  stupidity 
and  ignorance  may  be  termed  wicked,  and  a  spice  of  purpose- 
ful malevolence  would  almost  be  welcomed  as  a  relief  in  the 
sordid  story  by  unregenerate  human  nature. 

Early  in  the  century  the  Sadozai  royal  family  of  Afghani- 
stan had  been  overthrown  by  the  Barakzais,  and  in  the  year 
1806  the  dethroned  amir,  Shah  Shuja,  sought  British 
protection  and  settled  at  Ludhiana.  Dost  Mohammed 
Khan,  the  strongest  of  the  Barakzais,  eventually  seized  the 
crown.  He  was  a  strong  Amir  and  was  approved  by  the 
people,  and  it  is  always  to  the  interests  of  the  British 
Empire  that  the  ruler  of  Afghanistan  should  be  able  to 
rule.  Moreover  Dost  Mohammed  showed  consistently  that 
he  was  ready  to  lean  upon  England  and  unwilling  to  listen 
to  the  voice  of  Russia.  French  and  Russian  intrigues  to 
embroil  England  and  Afghanistan  had  been  at  work  since 
the  days  of  Napoleon,  and  now  Russia  had  succeeded  in 

68 


The  First  Afghan  War  69 

making  a  catspaw  of  Persia,  and,  lending  men  and  money, 
had  induced  her  to  invade  Afghanistan.  The  Amir  appealed 
to  the  Governor-General  for  support,  moral  and  material. 
Unhappily  Lord  Auckland  had  begun  his  ill-fated  rule  in 
the  year  1836.  For  reasons  known  only  to  himself,  and 
never  yet  found  capable  of  explanation,  he  decided  to  drive 
Persia  from  Herat — so  far  comprehensible ! — and  replace 
Shah  Shuja  on  the  throne. 

There  seems  to  have  been  no  method  in  this  madness. 
Almost  every  Anglo-Indian  of  weight  and  experience  from 
the  Commander-in-Chief  downwards  was  averse  from 
interference  in  Afghanistan's  internal  affairs ;  the  Duke 
of  Wellington  and  military  men  in  England  viewed  Lord 
Auckland's  policy  with  equal  disfavour ;  and  the  directors 
of  the  East  India  Company  considered  that  Dost  Mohammed 
was  just  such  a  monarch  as  they  would  wish  to  rule  that 
turbulent  land,  and  that  Shah  Shuja  was  the  man  most 
likely  to  cause  them  trouble.  Dost  Mohammed  was  a  popular 
king;  Shah  Shuja  was  impossible. 

Lord  Auckland  would  not  listen,  would  not  delay.  He 
gave  the  order  to  advance.  The  Persians,  badly  defeated 
by  Eldred  Pottinger,  a  young  British  officer  who  chanced 
to  be  at  Herat,  withdrew  in  haste,  and  there  was  nothing 
to  fight  about.  But  Lord  Auckland  would  not  be  baulked 
of  his  shame.  Like  the  man  who  spends  his  all  in  erecting 
his  "  folly  "  as  a  landmark  and  eyesore  in  some  conspicuous 
spot,  he  seemed  resolved  somehow  to  scrawl  his  name 
across  the  page  of  history.  Yet  Lord  Auckland  was  an 
honourable  man,  conscientious  and  high-principled,  and  he 
had  done  good  work  in  India.  He  was,  moreover,  a  man  of 
peace  by  nature  and  training,  in  most  affairs  cautious  and 
moderate,  and  for  these  reasons  rather  than  from  any 
belief  in  his  genius  he  had  been  selected  for  the  office.  To 
do  him  justice  Lord  Auckland  had  good  intentions — and 
we  know  their  fate. 


yo  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

On  May  8,  1839,  Shah  Shuja  was  placed  on  the 
throne  of  Afghanistan  by  a  brilliant  feat  of  arms.  Dost 
Mohammed  surrendered  voluntarily,  and  was  honourably 
and  kindly  treated  by  the  Governor-General.  The  Russian 
intrigues  had  succeeded.  They  had  embroiled  the  British, 
embittered  the  Afghans  against  their  former  allies,  and 
had  drawn  the  ablest  man  in  Central  Asia  unwillingly  to 
their  side. 

Lord  Auckland  was  no  Machiavelli,  even  in  intention — 
certainly  not  in  execution.  No  nefarious  designs  were  his ; 
he  does  not  even  appear  to  have  been  under  the  delusion 
that  England  had  anything  to  gain  by  this  gratuitous 
quarrel,  but  somehow  the  idea  had  fixed  itself  in  his  mind 
that  Shah  Shuja  had  been  wronged  and  that  his  mission 
on  earth  was  to  play  knight-errant.  So  he  issued  a  mani- 
festo. Premising  that  he  had  placed  Shah  Shuja  "  on  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors,"  he  went  on  to  promise  that  "  when 
once  he  shall  be  secured  in  power  and  the  independence  and 
integrity  of  Afghanistan  established,  the  British  army  shall 
be  withdrawn." 

What  a  grim  joke  that  proclamation  must  have  seemed  to 
poor  incapable  Shah  Shuja  and  to  all  who  heard  or  read. 
He  knew  well  enough  that  the  withdrawal  of  the  British 
bayonets  would  be  the  signal  for  his  deposition  and  probably 
for  his  murder.  The  army,  therefore,  stayed  two  years  in 
Kabul,  and  the  position  became  more  and  more  plainly 
intolerable.  On  November  2,  1841,  the  determination  of 
the  Afghans  not  to  submit  to  British  dictation,  and  the 
powerlessness  of  Shah  Shuja,  were  placed  beyond  doubt 
by  the  murder  of  Sir  A.  Burnes,  the  appointed  successor 
to  Sir  W.  Macnaughten,  the  British  envoy.  A  few  days 
later  Macnaughten  was  also  murdered,  and  the  old  general 
in  command  at  Kabul,  though  by  no  means  deficient  in 
courage,  was  stricken  helpless  by  the  weight  of  responsibility 
thrust  upon  him.     He  made  a  bargain  on  the  word  of  an 


The  First  Afghan  War  71 

Afghan,  and,  freedom  from  molestation  having  been 
guaranteed,  he  evacuated  Kabul.  In  the  depths  of  winter 
the  army  of  4000  soldiers  and  12,000  camp-followers  began 
its  retreat. 

The  story  has  often  been  told.  How,  a  week  later,  the 
sentry  on  the  ramparts  of  Jelalabad — the  British  outpost 
at  the  Afghan  end  of  the  Khyber — perceived  a  solitary 
horseman,  half  dead  from  wounds  and  exposure,  struggling 
towards  safety.  It  was  Dr.  Brydon,  then  thought  to  be 
the  sole  survivor  of  16,000  men.  Afterwards  it  became 
known  that  a  handful  had  been  held  as  captives,  and  that 
a  few  sepoys  and  followers  had  escaped.  Among  the 
captives  was  George  Lawrence. 

A  few  months  previous  to  the  massacre,  the  Delhi  Gazette 
had  published  a  long  article  from  the  pen  of  Henry  Lawrence 
called  Anticipatory  Chapters  of  Indian  History.  In  the 
story  of  Darby  O'Connor  he  foretold  just  such  a  rising  in 
Afghanistan,  and  called  for  a  complete  reform  of  the  army 
system.  He  was  the  first  man  in  India  to  know  that  his 
predictions  had  been  fulfilled.  Promptly  on  receipt  of  the 
news  that  the  envoys  had  been  murdered  and  that  Elphin- 
stone's  army  in  Kabul  was  in  danger — not  as  yet  that  it 
had  been  destroyed — he  took  upon  himself  to  prepare  for 
the  equipment  of  a  relief  force ;  he  urged  the  authorities  to 
push  on  certain  regiments  and  to  warn  others  for  service, 
and,  had  he  but  had  a  free  hand,  would  undoubtedly  have 
prevented  the  disgraceful  paralysis  that  ensued. 

But  Lord  Auckland,  whose  mad  whim  had  brought  about 
this  tragedy,  was  now  incapable  of  thought  or  action.  He 
seemed  ready  to  leave  Elphinstone's  force  to  its  fate ;  he 
could  hardly  be  persuaded  to  move  a  regiment.  Light- 
heartedly  he  sent  an  army  to  its  destruction ;  he  hesitated 
to  do  his  obvious  duty  and  save  the  remnant. 

Sir  John  Kaye  discovers  or  suggests  one  reason  for  the 
Governor-General's  inaction.     An  election  had  just  taken 


72  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

place  in  England  and  the  Tories,  who  had  supported  the 
East  India  Company  and  condemned  the  war  throughout, 
were  now  in  office,  and  a  newly-appointed  viceroy  had  set 
sail.  "  Would  it  be  right  then,"  so  Lord  Auckland  reasoned, 
"to  commit  my  successor  to  a  renewal  of  hostilities?" 
As  Kaye  scornfully  points  out,  "  The  time  for  these  con- 
siderations had  gone  by."  1  England  was  humiliated  in 
the  eyes  of  Asia ;  her  prestige  in  India  was  shattered.  The 
choice  was  between  deepening  the  disgrace  and  attempting 
partially  to  recover  our  prestige. 

The  Indian  Commander-in-Chief,  Sir  Jasper  Nicolls, 
having  opposed  the  war,  now  seemed  content  to  explain 
that  he  was  in  no  way  to  blame.  But  there  were  men  in 
the  land.  Mr.  George  Clerk  supported  his  assistant,  and 
helped  him  to  assemble  a  brigade  of  native  regiments  from 
the  district  under  their  charge.  These  would  have  to 
march  through  the  Punjab,  and  the  Punjab,  nominally 
the  ally  of  England  against  Afghanistan,  was  only  awaiting 
its  chance,  for  the  Sikhs  did  not  conceal  the  elation  they 
felt  on  hearing  of  the  disaster. 

It  fell  to  the  lot  of  Henry  Lawrence  to  prepare  the  way 
of  the  relief  force  through  the  four  hundred  miles  of  foreign 
territory  between  Ferozepore  and  the  Khyber,  and  he 
knew  that  the  army  of  the  Khalsa  was  ready  to  destroy  it 
at  a  nod  from  the  Sikh  durbar.  Everything  depended  on 
him  who  was  to  go  in  political  charge  of  the  force.  The 
Sikhs  were  arrogant  and  ignorant ;  they  were  undoubtedly 
powerful  and  they  knew  it ;  more  than  one  English  force 
was  absolutely  at  their  mercy.  Most  men  would  have 
hesitated  before  selecting  "  Gunpowder  "  Lawrence  for 
such  a  service.  "  Of  all  the  Assistant-Agents  on  the 
border,"  said  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes,  "  Lawrence  had  the 
hottest  temper.  But  in  good  truth  it  was  not  a  time  for 
phlegm;  and  Mr.  Clerk  judged  well  when  he  passed  his 
1  The  Afghan  War. 


The  First  Afghan  War  73 

finger  over  the  arrow-heads  and  drew  the  sharpest  from 
his  quiver." 

The  relief  force  sent  by  Mr.  Clerk  consisted  of  four  native 
irregular  regiments  under  Brigadier  Wild ;  and  Lawrence's 
knowledge  of  the  Sikh  character  and  his  growing  prestige 
brought  the  troops  safely  to  Peshawar,  the  Gate  of  India, 
where  they  had  to  wait  for  the  guns.  It  can  hardly  be 
believed  that  when — as  was  thought — the  fate  of  some 
twenty  thousand  British  subjects  was  at  stake,  Brigadier 
Wild  was  calmly  informed  that  Captain  Lawrence  must 
beg  some  guns  from  the  Sikhs.  It  was  a  bitter  pill  for  him 
to  swallow.  Here  were  the  ambitious  and  aggressive 
soldiers  of  the  Khalsa,  bound  by  treaty  to  help  the  British, 
laughing  at  the  dilemma,  jeering  at  the  helplessness  of 
these  whites  who  claimed  to  be  the  Great  Power  of  the 
Eastern  world,  and  urging  their  sirdars  to  let  them  loose 
upon  the  Europeans.  And  Lawrence  must  needs  lay  aside 
his  pride  and  humbly  beg  the  Sikh  general  for  the  loan  of 
artillery  because  the  boasted  might  of  Britain  was  unequal 
to  the  task  of  providing  a  cannon  or  two. 

The  Sikh  authorities  agreed  to  make  the  loan — provided 
that  their  gunners  were  willing.  The  Sikh  gunners  were 
anything  but  willing,  and  they  said  so  promptly  and  in  a 
way  that  admitted  of  no  doubt,  and,  naturally  enough, 
General  Avitabile  declined  to  precipitate  an  outbreak  by 
attempting  to  force  his  gunners  to  comply.  He  invited 
them  to  lend  their  guns,  and  the  Sikh  Government  expressed 
the  pleasure  it  would  give  them  to  help  the  incompetent 
English  out  of  the  hole,  but,  of  course,  they  could  not  go  so 
far  as  to  order  the  "  Elect  "  to  do  that  which  was  evidently 
distasteful.  So  Henry  Lawrence  chafed  and  fretted,  and 
the  iron  entered  into  his  soul,  as  he  contemplated  the 
spectacle  of  his  beloved  country,  and  the  army  to  which 
he  was  so  proud  to  belong,  made  a  laughing-stock  to  amuse 
Sikhs  and  Pathans,  Hindus  and  Punjabis.     "  I  have  eaten 


74  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

more  dirt  at  Peshawar,"  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Clerk,  "  than  I 
shall  get  out  of  my  mouth  in  the  next  seven  years." 

Peshawar  stands  at  the  Sikh  mouth  of  the  Khyber  Pass ; 
Jelalabad,  garrisoned  by  Sale's  "  illustrious  "  handful, 
is  at  the  Afghan  end.  Peshawar  was  the  most  lawless  and 
turbulent  town  of  the  East ;  it  had  been  the  prize  for  the 
alternate  victors  in  many  a  battle  between  Sikhs  and 
Pathans,  and,  under  Ranjit  Singh,  General  Avitabile,  the 
brutal  Italian  soldier  of  fortune,  had  ruled  it  by  fear  alone. 
His  atrocities  had  amazed  even  Sikhs  and  Pathans  ;  he  had 
obtained  a  kind  of  order,  but  he  had  not  caused  the  people 
to  look  kindly  on  Europeans.  They  were  soon  to  find  out 
that  Henry  Lawrence  and  the  Neapolitan  were  men  of 
different  mould. 

The  Sikh  soldiers  swaggered  into  the  sepoy  lines  and 
openly  incited  them  to  rebel.  They  exaggerated  the 
horrors  of  the  Khyber  Pass  until,  after  weeks  of  waiting 
for  the  guns  and  for  supplies,  the  sepoys  had  no  heart  left 
in  them.  One  regiment  was  on  the  point  of  mutiny,  and 
the  Brigadier  had  decided  to  punish  them  for  example's 
sake  when  Lawrence  interfered. 

He  saw  deeper  into  the  minds  of  the  native  soldiers — 
felt  that  they  had  lost  faith  in  the  power  of  their  British 
officers  to  protect  them  or  lead  them  to  victory;  knew 
that  the  other  three  regiments — the  only  troops  available 
to  inflict  punishment — sympathised  with  the  rebels; 
foresaw  what  effect  a  mutiny,  even  of  the  passive  kind, 
would  have  upon  the  Sikhs.  He  appealed  to  the  better 
feelings  of  the  sepoys  and  saved  the  situation.  Colonel 
Beecher  spoke  for  his  comrades  when  he  said,  "  We  all 
recognised  in  him  the  leading  man  of  the  camp." 

At  length  it  was  decided  to  respond  to  the  Jelalabad 
appeals,  guns  or  no  guns,  and  Wild  pushed  forward  to  the 
entrance  of  the  Khyber  Pass.  And  the  Sikh  allies  calmly 
marched  back  to  Peshawar.     A  fight  was  risked,  but  the 


The  First  Afghan  War  y$ 

sepoys,  cowed  and  disheartened,  did  badly,  and  Captain 
Lawrence  was  forced  to  send  a  message  to  Jelalabad  to  say 
that  no  help  need  be  expected  for  another  month. 

At  length  the  Governor-General  or  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  or  the  two  combined,  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  little  brigade  had  better  be  reinforced.  It  had  not  been 
destroyed,  as  under  the  circumstances  might  have  been 
expected,  neither  had  it  shown  any  intention  to  retreat. 
It  was  therefore  a  standing  reproach  to  the  authorities. 
So  they  actually  chose  as  general,  one  who  was,  to  quote 
Sir  Herbert  Edwardes,  "  not  the  oldest  general  alive  nor 
him  who  had  most  grandfathers  in  England,"  but  a  really 
competent  leader  of  men. 

The  choice  was  good.  General  Pollock  knew  what  he 
wanted  done,  and  how  to  do  it.  He  made  his  army 
efficient,  and — this  deserves  note — he  appreciated  what 
Henry  Lawrence,  the  political  officer,  had  done.  An 
advance  was  made  on  the  arrival  of  the  guns  and  of  the 
white  troops,  without  whose  encouraging  presence  the 
sepoys  would  not  have  regained  their  spirits. 

With  keen  regret  Captain  Lawrence  watched  the  guns 
disappear  into  the  Khyber  Pass.  His  political  duties 
compelled  him  to  remain  at  Peshawar,  but  his  heart  was 
with  the  artillery,  and  he  longed  to  help  work  the  guns  or 
even  pull  upon  the  drag-ropes.  For  weeks  he  had  been 
nursing  Pollock's  army,  and  doing  a  thousand  and  one  odd 
jobs  that  were  not  in  his  department.  Having  now  got 
the  Sikh  allies  somewhat  in  hand,  he  improvised  escorts 
for  the  baggage  and  parties  of  water-carriers  to  follow 
when  the  pass  was  won  and  relieve  the  thirsty  troops, 
and  procured  a  large  supply  of  earthen  jars  and  brass 
vessels,  requisites  that  had  not  been  provided.  When  the 
camel-drivers,  frightened  by  the  tales  of  the  Sikhs,  ran 
away  with  their  beasts,  he  bought  more  than  twelve  hundred 
camels  and  five  hundred  bullocks.     Then  he  constituted 


yb  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

himself  a  Commissariat  Department,  and  foraged  for  the 
army's  supplies.  He  also  organised  a  body  of  men  to 
carry  the  wounded  back  to  Peshawar,  knowing  that  in  the 
confusion  there  would  be  many  duties  for  the  carrying  out 
of  which  no  one  would  be  responsible.  All  such  work  he 
took  as  his  own,  and  the  wounded,  saved  from  the  Afghan 
horrors  to  be  cared  for  in  Peshawar,  blessed  the  gaunt 
political,  who  was  never  too  weary  to  visit  and  chat  with 
them,  to  look  after  their  comfort,  ventilation,  and  food. 
Native  followers  of  Elphinstone's  annihilated  army,  who 
had  escaped  the  Afghan  knives,  now  came  straggling  in, 
and  he  found  the  time  and  means  to  clothe  and  feed  and 
shelter  them.  Under  his  direction,  won  by  his  influence, 
the  Sikhs  at  length  began  to  help  rather  than  to  hinder, 
and  he  relieved  the  pressure  on  Pollock,  as  that  fine  soldier 
forced  his  way  through  the  pass,  by  employing  against  the 
Afridis  the  soldiers  of  the  Khalsa — that  wonderful  army 
which  he,  Henry  Lawrence,  was  destined  to  destroy  by 
turning  their  swords  into  ploughshares  for  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  the  land,  and  which  John  Lawrence,  seven 
years  later,  raised  to  life  again  for  the  saving  of  India. 

Henry  Lawrence  had  hoped  to  be  allowed  to  accompany 
Pollock  to  Jelalabad  and  even  to  Kabul,  but  Mr.  Clerk 
ordered  him  to  remain  at  Peshawar,  while  Mackeson,  his 
fellow-political,  went  forward.  However  he  coaxed  Pollock 
into  giving  him  permission  to  serve  with  his  old  corps 
until  the  pass  was  won.  Just  before  starting  Pollock  at 
3  a.m.  paid  a  visit  to  Lawrence's  tent  and  found  him 
seized  by  a  sudden  attack  of  illness,  so  severe  that  the 
general  did  not  think  he  would  recover.  Pollock  went 
away  downcast,  and  an  hour  later  the  force  began  its 
advance.  Arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Khyber  whom 
should  he  see  but  Lawrence  getting  the  guns  into  position — 
an  exhibition  of  the  power  of  mind  over  matter  similar  to 
that  already  recorded  of  John. 


The  First  Afghan  War  jy 

"  All  along  the  frontier,"  x  wrote  Mr.  Clerk,  "  praises  are 
loud  of  your  exertions,  alacrity,  and  spirit.  The  whole  of 
this  I  know  and  reckoned  on,  and  hence  I  sent  you,  as 
Government  knew.  But  it  is  gratifying  to  me  to  observe 
that  you  are  everywhere  thought  of  in  the  way  which  I 
well  know  is  so  much  deserved." 

He  liked  to  be  esteemed;  it  pleased  him  to  feel  that, 
having  done  his  duty,  his  work  was  appreciated.  He 
treated  others  as  he  himself  liked  to  be  treated,  and  however 
worried  and  oppressed  he  never  omitted  to  praise  the  good 
work  of  his  subordinates.  Like  John,  he  could  not  allow 
bad  work  to  escape  censure,  but,  unlike  his  brother,  he 
took  pains  to  let  his  juniors  know  when  he  was  well  pleased 
with  them.  He  was  especially  delighted  by  a  second  letter 
from  Mr.  Clerk,  who,  speaking  of  his  success  in  managing 
the  unruly  Sikh  soldiery  and  the  lawless  Pathan  tribes 
between  Peshawar  and  Jelalabad,  had  occasion  to  praise 
his  patience,  an  exotic  virtue  that  could  only  thrive  by 
strenuous  combat  with  his  naturally  quick  temper. 

"  Very  fine  is  it  not  ?  "  he  wrote  to  his  wife  after  receiving 
Clerk's  meed  of  praise.  "It  is  wonderful  what  soft  snobs 
we  are,  and  how  we  like  butter  better  than  bread." 

No  press  of  work  was  allowed  to  disturb  the  regularity  of 
his  correspondence  with  his  wife  at  Ferozepore,  and  every 
Sunday  he  found  time  to  send  a  letter  to  the  little  lad  who 
bore  his  grandfather's  name.  When  her  husband  left  for 
the  front  Mrs.  Lawrence  wrote  to  Mrs.  Hayes  that,  as  he 
was  going  to  help  those  in  danger,  she  would  not  have  held 
him  back  if  she  had  been  able,  great  as  her  trial  must  prove. 
In  another  letter  she  said :  "  Each  year  I  feel  but  beginning 
to  estimate  him ;  and  there  is  such  simplicity  in  his  good- 
ness, such  absence  of  effort,  or  seemingly  of  self-denial, 
in  all  he  does." 

When  the  tidings  of  the  massacre  flashed  from  west  to 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  364. 

F 


78  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

east,  the  full  horrors  of  the  situation  were  brought  before  her. 
For  a  space  the  friends  of  the  thousands  who  had  perished 
clung  to  the  hope  that  rumour  might  prove  untrue,  or,  at 
least,  greatly  exaggerated,  and  Honoria  Lawrence  had  to 
put  aside  her  own  trouble.  The  following  extract  from  a 
letter  to  Mrs.  Cameron  tells  its  own  pathetic  story. 

"  I  am  unfit  for  writing  and  have  got  a  load  of  letters 
to  answer,  most  of  them  inquiries  about  husbands  and 
brothers  and  sons,  of  whom  it  is  supposed  Henry  may  know 
something,  all  to  be  answered  with  the  same  heart-withering 
intelligence.  I  feel  as  if  I  were  shooting  arrows  in  every 
direction."  ! 

One  of  the  slain  was  her  own  brother,  Captain  James 
Marshall. 

In  reply  to  Henry's  request  that  she  should  not  "  fear 
for  me  or  think  I  expose  myself  unnecessarily,"  she  replied, 
"  No,  my  own  husband,  I  do  not  think  you  forget  wife  and 
child  when  you  fly  about.  I  need  not  talk  of  my  prayers 
for  your  safety ;  but  I  never  wish  you  safe  by  keeping  out 
of  the  way.  No,  I  rejoice  you  are  there,  with  your  energy 
and  sense ;  and,  if  I  could  but  be  a  button  on  your  sleeve, 
I  never  would  wish  you  to  come  away.  .  .  .  Who  talked  of 
your  force  turning  back?  God  forbid  that  such  counsel 
should  prevail.  .  .  .  Doubly  mean  would  it  be  now  to  turn 
— to  run  from  such  a  wretched  foe,  whose  force  lies  in  our 
vacillation — and  to  turn  our  backs  on  our  friends  in  distress. 
No,  my  husband,  I  would  not  have  you  back  to-morrow 
on  such  terms."2  And  later:  "It  would  be  my  pride 
and  delight  to  think  that  you  were  even  a  better  soldier 
since  you  had  a  wife  and  son ;  and  God  forbid  I  should 
throw  any  obstacle  in  your  road." 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  273.         *  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  311. 


CHAPTER  X 

(1842-1843) 

STEPPING   STONES 

George  Lawrence's  Captivity — Henry  Offers  Himself  in  Exchange — 
Capture  of  Kabul  and  Release  of  the  Prisoners — Henry  trans- 
ferred to  the  Dehra  Dhoon — -To  Amballa — To  Kytul — John  in 
Charge  of  Kurnal — The  Brothers  Meet — Henry's  Work 
Appreciated. 

With  Pollock  at  Jelalabad,  the  "  illustrious  garrison  " 
relieved,  and  gallant  Nott  straining  at  the  leash  in  Kandahar, 
the  horizon  seemed  to  be  clearing,  and  hope  must  have 
revived  in  the  captives'  breasts  at  the  approach  of  their 
countrymen.  Then  the  clouds  gathered  again  and  the  sky 
was  blacker  than  ever.  "  By  May  26  the  credit  of  the 
British  Government  had  so  fallen  in  the  bazaars  of  Pesha- 
war, that  some  camel-men  who  had  to  receive  fifty  thousand 
rupees  from  Henry  Lawrence  as  wages  refused  bills  on  the 
British  treasury  at  Ferozepore  at  1  per  cent,  premium ; 
and  bought  bills  from  natives  in  the  commissariat  at  2 
per  cent,  discount."  x 

What  had  happened  to  account  for  this  ?  Had  some 
mighty  man  of  valour  arisen  among  the  Afghans?  Had 
the  Sikhs  at  last  broken  loose,  or  was  sepoy  disaffection 
spreading?  Had  Pollock's  resolution  weakened,  or  Nott's 
ardour  failed  him?  No,  but  Lord  Auckland  was  tired  of 
Afghanistan.  He  had  begun  the  war  without  weighing  the 
consequences ;  he  was  ready  to  end  it  with  as  little  con- 
sideration. The  soldiers'  task  was  a  difficult  one.  "  Better 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  373. 
79 


80  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

leave  it  alone  then,"  thought  the  Governor-General.  His 
last  instructions  to  Pollock  were  to  withdraw  from  Jelala- 
bad  with  the  garrison  as  quickly  as  he  could. 

Lord  Ellenborough  took  over  the  reins,  and  the  situation 
confused  him  also.  He  vacillated  and  practically  confirmed 
his  predecessor's  orders  to  retire,  the  work  undone  and  the 
captives  at  the  mercy  of  the  Afghans.  Nott  and  Pollock 
were  hundreds  of  miles  apart,  yet  their  interpretation  of 
the  order  was  the  same.  Like  Nelson,  each  applied  a 
blind  eye  to  the  instructions  and,  refusing  to  see  the  obvious 
meaning,  nailed  his  colours  to  the  mast.  Britain's  honour 
was  at  stake ;  what  cared  these  rival  heroes  for  the  Governor- 
General  ? 

The  aim  of  Nott  was  to  reach  Kabul  from  the  south 
before  Pollock  could  enter  it  from  the  east ;  and  Pollock's 
ambition  was  to  forestall  Nott.  They  refused  to  retire, 
and  could  not  go  forward  in  the  face  of  such  orders. 
England's  credit  sank  lower  and  lower  in  India  and  in  the 
Punjab. 

The  fine  spirit  shown  by  his  generals  reacted  on  Lord 
Ellenborough,  who,  after  all,  was  a  soldier  at  heart,  though 
temporarily  confused  by  his  predecessor's  gyrations.  He 
hinted  that  if  both  Nott  and  Pollock  thought  fit  to  retire 
via  Kabul  (four  hundred  miles  instead  of  one  hundred)  he 
should  not  oppose.  But  the  responsibility  was  to  be  theirs. 
He  had  instructed  them  to  retire ;  they  would  be  to  blame 
if  any  disaster  occurred  during  the  retirement. 

The  generals  welcomed  the  responsibility,  and  once  more 
the  Union  Jack  shook  out  its  folds  and  the  Afghans  began 
to  realise  that  their  enemies  were  not  crushed.  Thereupon 
they  expressed  a  desire  to  treat.  Two  of  their  prisoners, 
George  Lawrence  and  Captain  Troup,  were  sent  on  parole 
to  Pollock's  camp  by  Akbar  Khan,  the  favourite  son  of  Dost 
Mohammed  and  the  most  capable  of  the  Afghan  generals, 
who  possibly  imagined  that  they  would  make  an  appeal 


Stepping  Stones  81 

to  their  friends,  and  that  for  their  sake  better  terms  would 
be  granted.  The  Carthaginians  once  made  a  similar 
mistake.  The  prisoners  had  not  been  captured  in  fair 
fight,  but  by  black  treachery;  they  must  be  given  up  un- 
conditionally, and  if  Akbar  Khan  preferred  to  murder  them 
he  knew  what  to  expect.  George  Lawrence  and  Troup 
must  go  back  into  captivity  and  trust  that  fear  of  the 
consequences  would  prevail  against  disappointed  rage  in 
the  breast  of  the  Afghan.  The  envoys  approved  the 
decision  as  consistent  with  their  country's  honour,  and 
they  returned  to  Kabul  to  inflame  the  passions  of  Akbar 
with  the  news  that  his  scheme  had  failed. 

Though  Henry  Lawrence  had  concurred  in  Pollock's 
refusal  to  ensure  the  safety  of  the  captives  by  concluding 
an  ignoble  peace,  he  had  not  forgotten  that  his  brother 
had  a  wife  and  children,  loved  as  devotedly  as  his  own. 
Sir  George  Lawrence,  in  his  Reminiscences  of  Forty-Three 
Years  in  India,  tells  that,  having  been  ill  from  the  effects 
of  his  confinement,  there  was  some  doubt  of  his  ability  to 
keep  the  promise  made  to  his  jailer.  "  My  good  and 
generous  brother  Henry  tried  hard  to  induce  me  to  allow 
him  to  take  my  place  while  I  remained  with  the  army ; 
arguing  that  if  anything  fatal  happened  to  him,  as  he  had 
only  one  child,  it  would  be  of  small  consequence  compared 
with  my  death,  who  had  four  children.  Of  course  I  could 
not  agree  to  this  generous  and  high-minded  proposal." 

George  asked  what  Honoria  would  say  if  she  heard  that 
Henry  had  offered  himself  as  a  hostage  to  Afghan  wrath. 
"  That  I  was  right,"  Henry  replied,  and  his  trust  in  his 
wife's  nobility  was  well-founded.  Before  the  captive 
returned  to  Kabul  he  informed  his  brother's  wife  that 
Henry  "  as  usual  "  had  tried  to  sacrifice  himself.  Read 
how  Honoria  Lawrence  received  the  news.  "  And  you 
offered  to  go  in  the  stead  of  George,  darling?  I  am  glad 
you  did  it,  and  I  am  glad  there  was  no  time  to  ask  me  lest 


82  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

my  heart  should  have  failed.  But  had  you  been  taken  at 
your  word,  though  my  soul  would  have  been  rent,  yet  I 
should  never  have  regretted,  or  wished  you  had  done  other- 
wise. George  is  as  much  to  Charlotte  as  you  are  to  me. 
He  has  five  children  and  you  have  but  one."  l 

Early  in  September  Pollock  and  Nott  dashed  at  Kabul 
from  the  east  and  from  the  south,  Pollock  entering  the 
town  as  victor  on  September  16,  a  day  or  two  before  his 
rival.  Lawrence's  Sikhs,  once  so  insolent  and  unruly,  now 
helped  in  the  fight  that  won  Kabul,  and  the  general's 
despatch  admitted  that,  "  The  Lahore  contingent,  under 
the  able  direction  of  Captain  Lawrence,  has  invariably  given 
the  most  cheerful  assistance,  dragging  the  guns,  occupying 
the  heights,  and  covering  the  rearguard."  Lawrence's 
affection  for  the  guns  had  even  infected  the  Sikhs,  and  he 
informs  his  wife,  who  would  probably  have  preferred  to  hear 
of  his  personal  adventures,  that  "  our  artillery  practice  was 
the  admiration  of  all  beholders." 

A  few  days  after  the  entry  into  Kabul  the  captives  came 
in  and  the  war,  undertaken  in  order  to  place  Shah  Shuja 
on  the  throne,  was  over;  the  Governor-General's  inter- 
ference had  cost  the  puppet  his  life,  and  in  the  end  it  was 
found  that  there  was  no  alternative  but  to  crown  Dost 
Mohammed  king  again. 

On  December  it,  1842,  Mrs.  Lawrence  wrote  to  Mrs. 
Hayes : — 

"  It  was  George  who  mended  the  pen  I  have  taken  in 
hand  to  begin  this  with,  beloved  sister.  Just  fancy  us  all 
together  here — Henry,  George,  and  me  ..."  To  which 
her  husband  adds :  "  Here  is  my  own  beautiful  handwriting 
to  certify  that  I  am  now  in  the  '  presence.'  Like  a  bright 
particular  star  I  shot  past  the  army  at  Peshawar.  ["  We 
bowled  through  the  Khyber  as  if  it  had  been  the  road 
between  Hammersmith  and  London,"  he  wrote  to  Mr. 
1  l.i/f  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  p.  399. 


Stepping  Stones  83 

Clerk.]  .  .  .  Now  let  me  tell  you  how  lovely  and  loving  I 
found  my  precious  wife  and  child,  and  how  in  both  I  am 
repaid  for  all  my  cares  and  anxieties.  She  was  a  good, 
most  good  wife  before,  but  I'm  innocently  told  by  her  that 
she  will  try  and  be  better  now.  And  my  little  son,  when 
he  rushes  to  his  old  papa,  and  cuddles  up  to  him,  shows 
how  his  father's  name  has  been  instilled  into  his  heart."  1 

The  Sikh  king  and  court,  being  greatly  pleased  with 
Captain  Lawrence's  handling  of  their  troops,  presented 
him  with  a  robe  of  honour  and  a  sword  set  with  emeralds, 
rubies,  and  pearls,  but  the  rules  of  the  service  did  not 
permit  him  to  retain  the  presents.  To  Ferozepore  came 
the  Governor-General,  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  many 
British,  native,  and  Sikh  notables,  to  welcome  home  the 
victorious  armies  of  Pollock,  Nott,  and  Sale.  Lord  Ellen- 
borough  had  no  love  for  "  politicals,"  but  Lawrence's 
services  had  been  too  great  to  be  passed  over.  Moreover, 
the  new  viceroy  could  not  but  be  struck  by  the  aspect  of 
this  town  of  canvas  and  of  brick  that  owed  its  existence 
to  the  energies  of  Mr.  Clerk's  assistant. 

Therefore  in  January  1843  Henry  Lawrence  left  Feroze- 
pore to  become  the  superintendent  of  the  Dehra  Dhoon,  a 
post  greatly  to  be  desired  by  an  overworked  man.  He 
arrived  in  this  healthy  valley  at  the  foot  of  the  great  hills 
only  to  find  that  he  had  been  the  victim  of  an  exasperating 
mistake.  Lord  Ellenborough  had  discovered  in  the  mean- 
time that  the  appointment  was  barred  to  military  officers, 
so  he  made  a  fresh  "  deal  "  and  transferred  him  to  Amballa 
(once  more  in  the  Cis-Sutlej  States)  as  assistant  to  the 
envoy  at  Lahore.  Lawrence  consoled  himself  with  the 
hope  that  the  envoyship  itself  might  soon  be  his,  but  when 
Sir  George  Clerk  was  promoted  to  the  governorship  of  the 
North-West  Provinces  disappointment  was  again  in  store 
for  him ;  he  had  hardly  settled  down  in  Amballa  when  a 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  pp.  420-421. 


84  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

third  move  became  necessary,  for  he  was  placed  in  com- 
mand of  a  military  expedition  sent  to  quell  a  disturbance 
in  Kytul,  a  neighbouring  state,  and,  having  effected  this 
in  a  typically  satisfactory  manner,  he  was  appointed  to 
administer  Kytul.  This  little  affair  brought  the  brothers 
together  after  a  long  interval.  John,  who  had  arrived  in 
India  with  his  wife  a  few  months  previously,  had  been 
appointed  Civil  and  Sessions  Judge  of  his  old  district  of 
Delhi,  and  was  now  in  charge  at  Kurnal,  not  far  from  his 
old  post  at  Paniput  and  less  than  fifty  miles  from  Kytul. 
When  therefore  Henry  was  ordered  to  this  place  he  applied 
to  his  brother  for  men,  and  John,  glad  to  greet  once  more 
his  chum  and  hero  of  old,  accompanied  the  expedition,  and 
was  probably  disappointed  at  the  lack  of  resistance. 

Henry  had  received  three  new  appointments  within  a  few 
months.  None  of  these  had  brought  him  any  increase  of 
pay  and  each  had  involved  him  in  considerable  expense. 
Then  came  the  last  straw,  and  there  was  excuse  for  his 
belief  that  Lord  Ellenborough  was  treating  him  shabbily. 
He  received  a  letter  from  the  Governor-General,  addressed 
to  Major  Lawrence,  C.B.,  and  naturally  jumped  to  the 
conclusion  that  his  services  had  at  length  been  recognised. 
He  opened  the  packet  and  was  undeceived.  Instead  of  the 
hoped-for  Order  of  the  Bath  he  found  only  the  Afghan 
medal,  and  with  some  indignation  he  wrote  to  express  his 
conviction  that  he  had  merited  better  treatment. 

But  before  the  Governor-General  could  reply  in  apology 
for  the  mistake,  a  communication  arrived  from  Henry's  old 
friend  Mr.  Thomason,  the  Foreign  Secretary,  in  which  he 
learnt  that  Lord  Ellenborough  had  merely  been  waiting 
to  honour  him  in  accordance  with  his  merits.  He  was 
now  appointed  Resident  in  Nepal,  a  post,  not  only  of  great 
honour,  requiring  exceptional  tact,  but  also  rewarded  by 
a  large  increase  of  salary.  Mrs.  Lawrence  had  a  further 
reason  for  rejoicing.     The  independent  kingdom  of  Nepal 


Stepping  Stones  85 

is  one  of  the  most  healthy  and  most  lovely  countries  in  the 
world,  and  the  appointment  was  just  such  a  one  as  she 
would  have  desired  for  her  overworked  and  harassed 
husband.  Disappointed  by  the  seeming  lack  of  recognition, 
worn  out  by  fevers,  and  fearful  for  the  health  of  their  boy, 
the  Lawrences  had  resolved  to  go  home,  and  were  without 
the  means  of  paying  their  passage,  when  this  offer  came, 
bringing  with  it  a  salary  of  Rs.  3500 l  per  month,  just  five 
times  his  previous  wage.  On  November  5  he  set  out  for 
this  little  known  land. 

Short  though  his  stay  in  Kytul  had  been  he  had  done 
much  there.  By  the  death  of  the  raja  without  heirs  the 
state  had  lapsed  to  the  Company,  and  he  found  that  its 
affairs  had  been  woefully  mismanaged  and  its  people 
oppressed.  By  abolishing  the  farmers  of  revenue  he  im- 
proved the  condition  of  the  peasants ;  he  reduced  taxes, 
did  away  with  forced  labour — a  curse  to  the  people  under 
the  old  regime — ran  to  earth  the  brigands  and  dacoits  who 
formerly  abounded,  administered  prompt  justice,  righted 
wrongs,  punished  oppression,  and  put  down  bribery  and 
corruption.  Wherever  he  deemed  wise  he  remitted  the 
whole  of  the  land-tax  until  the  cultivator  could  improve 
his  condition,  and  in  lieu  of  payment  he  made  the  man 
work  for  the  public  good  by  digging  new  wells  and  so 
adding  to  the  resources  of  the  state.  He  himself  set  an 
example  by  planting  trees  broadcast ;  for,  with  any 
quantity  of  jungle,  there  was  a  complete  absence  of  timber. 
So  great  and  so  speedy  was  the  success  of  his  exertions 
that,  before  he  left  for  Nepal,  the  number  of  ploughs  in 
the  state  had  increased  by  50  per  cent.,  and  a  stream  of 
emigration  had  set  in  from  the  neighbouring  districts.  All 
this  time  he  was  working  under  conditions  most  unfavour- 
able to  honest  effort.  His  task  was  not  lightened  by  the 
smile  of  official  approval ;  he  believed,  and  had  good 
1  In  round  figures  ^350. 


86  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

grounds  for  the  belief,  that  he  had  been  unfairly  treated; 
but,  though  abnormally  sensitive  to  a  lack  of  appreciation, 
he  refused  to  allow  a  sense  of  his  wrongs  to  interfere  with 
the  quality  of  his  work. 

Kytul  was  but  a  little  state,  and  he  only  ruled  it  for  a 
few  months,  but  the  experience  gained  there  made  him 
more  fit  to  undertake  the  great  work  of  his  life,  when  called 
upon  to  rule  the  empire  created  by  Ranjit  Singh,  the  Sikh. 
In  like  manner  John's  appointment  at  Kurnal  prepared 
the  way  for  a  higher  post.  He  there  pushed  forward  his 
favourite  reforms — roads  and  irrigation,  improvements 
in  agriculture,  in  the  condition  of  the  women,  and  a  better 
control  of  native  police  and  officials  generally.  Though  not 
the  kind  of  man  who  habitually  decries  the  native,  John 
had  a  low  opinion  of  the  Oriental  in  office.  The  average 
English  official  in  India  has  some  idea  of  his  responsibility 
towards  those  he  governs,  but  the  native  has  none. 

Kurnal  had  recently  been  visited  by  a  plague  and  the 
district  was  in  a  wretched  state.  The  cantonment,  hitherto 
considered  one  of  the  best  in  India,  had  been  condemned, 
more  than  half  the  troops  having  been  stricken  down. 
John  Lawrence  went  straight  to  the  root  of  the  evil. 
Various  authorities  were  inclined  to  condemn  the  canals 
as  the  cause,  and,  fearing  lest  a  prejudice  against  irrigation 
might  set  in,  he  studied  the  matter  closely.  Until  recently 
cereals  had  been  the  staple  food,  but  of  late  rice  had  been 
cultivated,  and  the  swamps,  in  which  this  crop  flourishes, 
had  gradually  crept  up  and  surrounded  the  town.  To 
this  fact  he  attributed  the  epidemic  and  suggested  that  no 
rice-fields  should  be  allowed  within  four  miles  of  the  town. 
His  advice  was  acted  upon,  and  his  remedy  was  successful. 

The  soldier  brother's  term  of  service  had  been  marked 
by  many  changes  of  place  and  of  character  of  work :  he 
had  been  buffeted  from  pillar  to  post,  from  Burma  to  Kabul, 
from  the   Punjab  to  Nepal.     The  civilian,  on  the  other 


Stepping  Stones  87 

hand,  had  never  been  removed  far  from  the  Mogul  capital, 
and  now  an  appointment  as  magistrate  and  collector  of 
Delhi  and  Paniput  brought  him  back  to  the  town  in  which 
he  had  been  first  employed. 

It  is  instructive  to  note  how  the  two  Lawrences  were  in 
requisition  as  pioneers  on  the  fringes  of  the  Company's 
vast  territories,  where  was  most  need  for  strong  men. 
They  were  rarely  set  to  labour  in  the  fruitful  valleys,  on 
well -watered  and  cared -for  soil  that  had  been  under 
cultivation  for  generations.  Theirs  it  was  to  take  in  hand 
the  waste  lands,  arid,  thistle-covered,  and  weed-choked ; 
with  their  own  hands  to  root  out  and  destroy  the  tares,  to 
dig  and  dress  the  good  soil,  and  bring  water  to  irrigate  the 
land.  Such  tasks  appealed  to  them  both,  but  though  the 
brothers  had  so  much  in  common,  a  difference  in  their 
manner  of  treating  one  important  problem  of  Indian  ad- 
ministration was  already  perceptible.  Though  Henry  did 
not  hesitate  to  take  from  the  native  aristocracy  such 
privileges  as  interfered  with  the  welfare  of  the  common 
people,  and  tended  to  grind  them  down,  he  was  never 
wanting  in  sympathy  with  a  class  that  found  little  favour 
in  the  eyes  of  most  ardent  reformers.  It  was  here  that 
the  brothers  had  to  part  company  and  take  different  ways ; 
here  was  the  root  of  that  difference  of  opinion  which  was 
to  form  so  painful  a  chapter  in  their  lives.  Great  was  the 
fall  of  the  nobles  when  a  native  state  was  taken  in  hand 
by  a  man  like  John  Lawrence.  In  like  manner  the  barons 
of  feudal  England  and  the  great  lords  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
dispensing  the  High,  the  Middle,  and  the  Low  Justice, 
using  their  power  solely  to  further  their  own  ends,  would 
have  received  scant  sympathy  from  reformers  of  the 
twentieth  century  with  absolute  authority  to  redress  the 
wrongs  of  the  people. 

Henry,  however,  above  all  men  had  the  power  to  see 
through  the  eyes  of  others  and  to  place  himself  in  their 


88  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

position.  He  held  that,  little  as  the  nobles  seemed  to 
deserve  consideration,  the  fault  was  less  their  own  than  of 
system  and  environment.  They  only  acted  as  taught  by 
their  fathers  and  as  did  others  in  their  position,  and  Henry 
— keen  as  his  brother  to  stamp  out  tyranny — understood 
and,  while  depriving  them  of  teeth  and  claws,  performed 
the  operation  as  painlessly  as  possible,  and  applied  balm 
to  the  wounds.  His  necessary  reforms  hit  the  aristocracy 
hard;  they  were  "  down,"  and  when  a  man  was  down  he 
became  his  friend  and  did  all  he  could  for  him  without 
prejudice  to  the  interests  of  others.  When  he  had  to  knock 
some  one  down  he  invariably  tried  to  soften  the  fall.  He 
also  saw  that  it  was  good  policy  to  alienate  as  little  as 
possible  the  most  influential  classes,  and  he  knew  that, 
east  or  west,  human  nature  is  strong,  and  strong  the  force 
of  habit ;  that  in  time  of  trouble  the  peasants  would  side 
with  their  old  oppressors  rather  than  with  the  foreign 
benefactors,  whose  western  methods  and  whose  efforts  on 
their  behalf  they  so  little  understood  or  appreciated. 
When  the  Mutiny  shook  the  land  he  stood  justified. 

Happily  ignorant  of  the  future,  Major  and  Mrs.  Lawrence 
paid  a  visit  to  John  and  his  wife  on  the  way  to  take  up 
the  new  post  in  Nepal.  The  genuine  friendship  existing 
between  the  brothers  had  not  been  affected  by  the  lapse 
of  years,  and  from  what  we  know  of  Honoria  and  Harriet  te 
we  may  safely  surmise  that  each  cordially  approved  the 
choice  of  her  brother-in-law,  that  each  was  glad  to  welcome 
the  other  as  a  sister. 


CHAPTER  XI 
(1843-1845) 

NEPAL   AND   THE    GURKHAS 

Nepal — Its  Inhabitants — A  Barbarous  Court — The  Gurkhas — 
Mrs.  Lawrence's  Letters  from  Nepal— Literary  Work — The 
Lawrence  Asylums. 

Leaving  his  wife  and  child  with  his  brother  at  Kurnal — 
for  no  European  woman  had  ever  been  permitted  to  enter 
Nepal — Henry  Lawrence  reached  Khatmandu  by  the  end 
of  November  1843. 

The  mountainous  country  known  as  Nepal  extends  for 
six  hundred  miles  along  the  northern  frontier  of  Hindustan. 
Its  average  breadth  is  about  one  hundred  miles,  the  highest 
mountains  in  the  world  forming  the  boundary  between  it 
and  Thibet.  The  Valley  of  Nepal,  or  Nepal  Proper,  forms 
an  oval  about  fifty  miles  in  circumference,  lovely,  fruitful, 
and  densely  populated,  principally  by  Newars  and  Murmis, 
who  are  of  Mongolian  stock,  as  are  the  Limbus,  Rais,  Sun- 
wars,  Lepchas,  and  other  aboriginals  of  Nepal.  As  regards' 
religion  these  tribes  are  all  more  or  less  Buddhist,  whereas 
the  Gurkhas,  who  have  been  the  dominant  race  for  more 
than  a  hundred  years,  are  nominally  worshippers  at  the 
shrine  of  Siva.  They  are,  however,  tolerant  in  religious 
matters,  and  one  at  least  of  the  four  Gurkha  clans  employ 
Lamas,  equally  with  Brahmans,  for  priestly  functions. 
The  Gurkhas  are  the  descendants  of  Hill-Rajputs  and 
Mongolian  women,  and  they  are  subdivided  into  four  clans. 

The  Thakurs  and  the  Khas,  who  are  the  aristocrats  of  the 
Gurkha  race,  claim  to  have  a  greater  proportion  of  Rajput 

89 


90  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

blood  flowing  in  their  veins  than  have  the  other  two  clans 
(Magars  and  Gurungs),  and  they  wear  the  sacred  thread. 
The  royal  family  of  Nepal  belongs  to  the  Thakur  clan, 
and  nearly  all  nobles  are  either  Thakurs  or  Khas.  They 
make  good  soldiers. 

The  Magars  and  Gurungs  are  smaller  and  sturdier  men, 
of  a  prominent  Mongolian  type,  with  a  broad  face,  wide 
nose,  and  prominent  cheek-bones.  These  are  the  two 
famous  fighting  clans,  the  usl  (real)  Gurkhas,  for  whom 
the  recruiting  officer  keeps  a  keen  look-out,  and  in  whose 
favour  he  often  rejects  the  more  regular-featured  Khas 
and  Thakurs.  The  Magars  and  Gurungs  won  Nepal  for 
their  rulers  about  the  time  that  Clive  was  laying  the 
foundations  of  our  empire  in  the  East,  and  at  a  later  date 
they  began  to  form  the  indomitable  infantry  battalions 
that  have  served  the  British  so  staunchly.  Johnny  Gurkha, 
the  merry,  conceited,  little  chum  of  Thomas  Atkins  in  the 
field  and  in  cantonments,  amid  snow  and  ice,  in  Burmese 
jungles  and  on  the  Delhi  Ridge  when  the  cause  of  the 
white  man  seemed  lost,  is  either  a  Magar  or  a  Gurung. 
For  courage  and  unswerving  loyalty  these  warrior-clans 
cannot  be  surpassed  by  any  troops  in  the  world. 

The  conquest  of  Nepal  by  the  Gurkha  tribes  was  marked 
by  revolting  cruelty  whenever  opposition  was  encountered. 
Prithi  Narayan  Sahi,  the  first  Gurkha  king  of  Nepal,  was  a 
barbarian ;  and  from  his  death  in  1775  until  the  murderous 
usurpation  of  power — not  of  the  throne — by  Jung  Bahadur, 
a  few  years  after  Lawrence's  departure  from  Nepal,  the 
court  of  that  country  was  perhaps  the  most  intriguing 
and  treacherous  in  Asia.  The  only  hope  of  retaining 
power  appeared  to  lie  in  the  destruction  of  all  possible 
rivals,  and  no  other  method  of  rising  to,  or  retaining,  office 
seemed  ever  to  enter  the  minds  of  the  ambitious. 

This  condition  of  affairs  was  by  no  means  uncommon  in 
the  native  states  of  India,  but  elsewhere  might  be  seen  at 


Nepal  and  the  Gurkhas  91 

least  the  veneer  of  civilisation  and  a  certain  dignity.  In 
Nepal  the  most  atrocious  crimes  and  the  intrigues  of  the 
highest  in  the  land  were  marked  by  low  comedy  accom- 
paniments that  would  have  been  laughable  had  they 
not  been  so  tragic.  Where  else  could  such  scenes  as  these 
occur  ? 

One  day  in  open  durbar  the  king,  the  queen,  and  the  heir- 
apparent — termed  Mr.  Nepal,  Mrs.  Nepal,  and  Master 
Nepal  by  the  new  Resident — began  roundly  to  abuse  one 
another.  The  king  had  been  pluming  himself  upon  his 
courage  and  adroitness  in  having  rid  himself  of  a  powerful 
noble — by  the  usual  method — when  the  dutiful  son  ex- 
claimed : 

"  You  killed  Matabur  Sing  indeed !  You  would  not 
dare  to  kill  a  rat!  "  1 

Equally  dignified  was  the  royal  squabble  witnessed  by 
the  previous  Resident.  Being  in  mourning  for  the  chief 
queen  (Master  Nepal's  mother)  the  court  was  forbidden 
horse  or  carriage  exercise,  and  king  and  prince  were  perched 
on  the  backs  of  "  two  very  decrepit  old  chiefs."  A  quarrel 
ensued,  "  whereupon  the  heir-apparent  abused  him  [the 
king]  most  grossly,  and  urging  his  old  chief  close  up  to  the 
raja,  assaulted  him.  .  .  .  After  scratching  and  pulling  each 
other's  hair  for  some  time,  the  son  got  hold  of  his  father, 
pulled  him  over,  and  down  they  went,  chiefs  and  all,  into 
a  very  dirty  puddle.  The  two  old  nags  extricating  them- 
selves hobbled  away  as  fast  as  they  could."  2 

The  madness  and  wickedness  of  the  court  formed  the 
dark  side  of  Nepalese  life.  It  had  its  bright  side.  Though 
Prithi  Narayan's  conquest  had  been  marked  by  atrocities, 
and  though  the  court  was  so  wicked,  the  tribes  subject 
to  the  Gurkhas  and  the  common  people  of  the  Valley  of 
Nepal  were  and  are  as  happy  and  prosperous  as  any  in  Asia. 
The   customs,   religious,    social,    and   commercial,    of  the 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence.  2  Captain  Smith's  Narrative. 


92  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

conquered  were  not  interfered  with ;  there  were  no  oppres- 
sive taxes  and  there  was  little  poverty. 

That  this  should  have  been  so  is  most  strange.  A 
vicious  court,  a  reckless  warrior  race  ruling  unfettered  by 
any  law,  the  conquered  peasant  and  artisan  castes  with 
neither  power  nor  spirit  to  resist  their  Gurkha  masters, 
and  yet  Colonel  Lawrence  was  able  to  state  that  he  had 
not  known  "  a  single  act  of  oppression,"  and  that  "  a 
happier  peasantry  I  have  nowhere  seen."  Here  is  another 
instance  of  topsy-turvydom.  Conscription  being  in  force 
in  Nepal,  each  male  adult  Gurkha  is  called  upon  to  serve 
in  the  army  for  a  year.  Instead  of  being  paid,  they  pay  for 
the  privilege,  and  more  candidates  offer  to  fill  the  vacancies 
than  can  be  admitted. 

Early  in  the  last  century  the  Gurkhas  began  to  annex 
the  hill-states  bordering  upon  Nepal,  in  spite  of  the  protests 
of  the  Indian  Government.  They  went  further,  threatened 
wildly,  and — what  was  harder  to  bear — also  raided  British 
territory.  Protest  being  answered  by  insult,  war  was 
eventually  declared,  and  four  columns  were  sent  to  drive 
the  invaders  back  to  Nepal. 

At  once  the  worthier  traits  of  the  Gurkha  character 
asserted  themselves.  Intrigues  ceased;  they  closed  their 
ranks  against  a  common  foe,  and,  weak  in  numbers  though 
they  were,  they  resolved  to  defend  the  annexed  districts. 
The  Gurkha  army  numbered  10,000  men,  ill-armed,  un- 
trained, with  no  cavalry  and  little  artillery.  With  this 
they  had  to  defend  a  frontier  six  hundred  miles  in  length, 
to  keep  down  the  newly-subjugated  races,  who  alone  out- 
numbered their  conquerors,  and  to  meet  a  British  force  of 
35,000  men. 

At  Kalunga  600  Magar  Gurkhas  held  3500  of  the  Com- 
pany's troops  at  bay  for  months,  defeated  General  Gillespie's 
column  again  and  again,  and  forced  it  to  retire  and  await 
the  arrival  of  heavy  guns.     The  fortress  was  then  battered 


Nepal  and  the  Gurkhas  93 

down,  and  530  of  their  comrades  having  been  slain,  the 
remaining  seventy  decided  to  retire  from  Kalunga  and 
help  the  garrison  of  Jytak,  who  made  an  equally  gallant 
stand. 

Finally  Ochterlony  by  fine  generalship  cornered  Amir 
Sing  Thapa,  the  old  Commander-in-Chief,  and  shut  him  up. 
For  months  the  veteran  held  out  until,  when  his  men  could 
be  numbered  by  scores  rather  than  by  hundreds,  he  agreed 
to  evacuate  his  fort  on  a  promise  of  the  full  honours  of  war. 
Ochterlony  gladly  granted  the  terms,  and,  paying  a  hand- 
some tribute  to  the  old  lion,  allowed  him  to  march  out  with 
arms  and  stores  and  colours  flying.  His  son,  Ranjur  Thapa, 
then  surrendered  Jytak  on  the  same  honourable  terms, 
and  Nepal  regained  its  senses.  Since  the  year  1816  the 
Gurkhas  have  never  fought  against  the  British. 

Two  things  stand  out  prominently  in  this  war.  A 
knowledge  of  the  intriguing  nature  of  the  Nepal  court, 
its  treachery,  barbarity,  vindictiveness,  and  the  known 
disregard  for  human  life,  would  justify  the  expectation 
that  not  only  would  the  Gurkhas  prove  inhuman  foes, 
cruel  and  treacherous  even  for  Asiatics,  but  also  that 
England  would  receive  support  from  the  ambitious  princes 
and  nobles  then  in  disgrace  at  court,  or  from  those  whose 
fathers,  brothers,  or  sons  had  been  murdered  by  the  men 
in  power.  There  were  Gurkha  exiles  under  British  protec- 
tion, men  who  had  lost  estates  and  wealth,  and  had  barely 
escaped  with  their  lives,  but  they  refused  either  to  raise 
a  hand  against  their  country  or  to  give  information  that 
might  be  useful  to  the  English.  Apparently  they  argued 
that  amongst  themselves  intrigue  was  a  fair  game,  but 
that  to  help  foreigners  even  against  their  rivals  would  not 
be  playing  according  to  the  rules.  Never  before  in  Asia 
had  the  British  come  in  contact  with  so  high  a  sense  of 
honour— and  this  where  it  was  least  expected. 

Then,   instead  of  proving  inhuman,   the  Gurkhas  dis- 

G 


94  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

closed  themselves  as  most  chivalrous  foemen.  They 
spared  and  tended  the  British  wounded  and  captives,  and 
displayed  absolute  trust  in  the  good  faith  of  their  enemies, 
for  their  wounded  walked  into  the  British  camps  and  coolly 
explained  that  they  wished  to  be  treated  by  skilled  doctors, 
so  that  they  might  soon  be  fit  to  fight  again.  Altogether 
many  theories  were  upset.  Their  conduct  during  the 
campaign  was  appreciated,  and  from  the  ranks  of  our 
former  enemies  two  corps  were  raised  at  the  close  of  the 
war.  These  are  now  the  ist  and  2nd  Gurkha  Rifles, 
regiments  with  untarnished  histories.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  vices  of  the  Nepal  court,  the  Gurkha  soldier 
has  proved  simple,  truthful,  and  honest,  rather  thick  of 
skull,  but  skilful  in  fight  and  in  the  chase,  genial  and  merry, 
and,  though  ferocious  when  aroused,  easily  controlled  by 
an  officer  who  has  won  his  respect. 

The  Valley  of  Nepal  could  only  be  reached  from  Hindu- 
stan through  the  malarious  Terai  or  by  strictly  guarded 
passes.  Even  to  this  day  no  European  is  allowed  to  enter 
without  a  permit  from  the  Gurkha  Prime  Minister,  and  a 
passport  is  not  easily  obtained.  Trading  with  the  outside 
world  is  thus  restricted,  and  the  enlistment  of  Gurkhas  in 
the  Indian  army  was  for  a  long  time  discouraged  by  the 
Government  of  Nepal.  Until  recently  the  supply  of 
recruits  for  the  Gurkha  battalions  depended  largely  upon 
the  enthusiasm  and  esprit  de  corps  of  men  who  were  home 
on  leave  from  their  regiments,  and  upon  the  exertions  of 
the  recruiting  officer  at  Gorakhpur  and  other  border  fairs 
frequented  by  adventure-loving  Gurkhas.  The  Magars 
and  Gurungs  are  eager  enough  to  see  active  service  under 
capable  leaders. 

l  Amid  this  strange  race  Henry  Lawrence  took  up  his 
abode,  and  in  spite  of  Nepalese  exclusiveness  he  so  im- 
pressed the  semi-barbarians  by  straightforward  dealing, 
evident  goodwill  towards  them,  and  a  consistent  refusal 


Nepal  and  the  Gurkhas  95 

to  join  or  take  sides  with  any  of  the  factions,  that  an 
exception  was  made  in  favour  of  so  good  a  man,  and  Mrs. 
Lawrence  and  "  Tim  "  were  granted  leave  to  reside  in  the 
country. 

The  new  Resident  was  humble  enough  to  beg  advice 
from  the  two  men  best  qualified  to  give  it.  These  were  his 
old  friend  and  master,  Sir  George  Clerk,  and  Mr.  James 
Thomason,  who  had  succeeded  Clerk,  and  who  was  perhaps 
the  ablest  and  most  distinguished  Lieutenant-Governor 
the  North-West  Provinces  ever  had.  The  following 
extracts  from  their  replies  set  forth  the  character  of  the 
work  expected  from  a  Resident,  and  do  honour  to  the 
writers  and  tend  to  justify  the  pride  with  which  English- 
men are  wont  to  regard  their  countrymen's  government  of 
the  dependency. 

"  Your  duties  at  Nepaul  will  be  twofold,"  wrote  Mr. 
Thomason,  "  viz.,  to  watch  any  movements  on  their  part, 
which  may  be  injurious  to  us,  and  to  offer  counsel  to  them 
in  all  State  matters  in  which  we  may  not  be  concerned, 
whenever  such  counsel  is  sought,  or  is  likely  to  be  accept- 
able and  useful.  In  the  first  duty  you  will  have  to  keep 
the  mean  between  too  great  confidence  and  too  ready 
suspicion.  .  .  .  The  establishment  of  such  an  influence  as 
shall  make  his  [the  Resident's]  advice  solicited  and  desired 
is  not  to  be  reduced  to  rule,  or  inculcated  by  precept.  Most 
perfect  openness  and  honesty,  I  believe  to  be  the  first 
requisite.  Evenness  of  temper,  courtesy  of  demeanour, 
the  absence  of  dictation  or  obtrusiveness,  are  qualities 
which  naturally  suggest  themselves  to  the  mind  of  all. 
We  profess  to  leave  the  Nepaulese  entirely  to  govern 
themselves.  .  .  .  But  the  Government  would  be  ill  repre- 
sented if  every  valuable  opportunity  were  not  used  to 
prompt  to  that  which  is  good,  and  to  deter  from  that  which 
is  evil;  to  express  abhorrence  of  acts  of  cruelty,  perfidy, 
injustice ;  to  give  full  approbation  of  all  that  is  benevolent, 


96  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

honest,  high-minded,  and  just.  .  .  .  But  all  must  be  open 
and  above  board.  We  can  never  match  the  Natives  in 
intrigue ;  and  when  we  attempt  to  meet  their  machinations 
by  counter-intrigue,  we  shall  be  foiled  and  discredited."  1 

"  I  do  not  think  you  need  hints  from  me,"  Sir  George 
replied.  "  I  know  few  who  are  so  just  in  their  views  of 
what  conduct  should  be,  man  to  man.  ...  I  fancy  you 
have  perceived  the  right  line  for  you  to  take  in  Goorkha 
politics,  to  let  people  alone  and  keep  aloof,  but  aloof  with 
all  courtesy.  ...  A  Native  Minister  is  never  the  worse  for 
the  advice  (given  quietly  and  unobtrusively)  of  a  British 
Resident,  supposing  the  latter  a  proper  man ;  and  nine 
times  out  of  ten  he  feels  obliged  for  it.  The  mischief  is, 
that  we  are  so  elated  when  such  advice  produces  good 
consequences,  that  we  hasten  to  make  manifest  our  influ- 
ence, exhibit  the  Minister  in  leading-strings,  and  thus 
kicking  down  all  his  popularity  amongst  parties,  destroy 
his  efficiency ;   and  then  we  cast  about  for  another !  .  .  . 

"  Matabur  Sing  is  now  sole  Minister.  I  think  I  should 
be  with  such  an  one  very  guarded  that  my  conduct  should 
be,  to  him  especially  (as,  indeed,  is  best  towards  all  Indian 
politicians) ,  straight-forward  but  courteous ;  unyielding 
in  grave  matters,  but  accommodating  in  minor  ones." 

The  advice  was  just  what  Henry  Lawrence  himself  would 
have  given  to  a  younger  man,  and  in  his  dealings  with  "  Mr. 
and  Master  Nepal,"  with  Matabur  Sing  and  his  nephew 
Jung    Bahadur2 — greatest    of    Shikarris,    and,    though    a 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  i.  pp.  459-462. 

2  After  the  conquest  of  the  Punjab  Jung  Bahadur  came  to 
England  to  learn  the  secret  of  Britain's  strength.  Later  he  became 
Prime  Minister  and  Autocrat  of  Nepal,  and  was  knighted  and 
granted  new  territory  as  a  reward  for  his  help  when  the  Bengal 
sepoys  mutinied.  During  the  visit  of  the  then  Prince  of  Wales  to 
India  in  1877  Sir  Jung  Bahadur  gave  the  prince  the  best  sport  he 
had  seen.  He  introduced  many  reforms,  upon  which  his  nephew, 
the  present  Prime  Minister,  has  improved.  There  are  now  in 
Khatmandu  good  schools,  hospitals  for  women  and  for  lepers,  and 
many  other  signs  of  advanced  civilisation.  Nepal  is  still  closed 
to  Europeans,  very  few  of  whom  have  ever  seen  the  country. 


Nepal  and  the  Gurkhas  97 

murderer,  a  man  to  whom  Nepal  and  England  owe  a  debt — 
he  was  ever  straightforward  and  courteous,  open  and  above- 
board,  tactful  but  unyielding,  and  he  gained  the  confidence 
of  the  Gurkhas.  So  much  so  that  when  he  raised  the  Corps  of 
Guides  Jung  Bahadur  sent  him  a  hundred  men  to  form  the 
first  company ;  and  in  1857,  on  Henry  Lawrence's  applica- 
tion, he  himself  marched  to  Lucknow  and  joined  Sir  Colin 
Campbell  with  10,000  Gurkhas. 

At  a  later  date  Mrs.  Lawrence  had  occasion  to  write  to 
Sir  George  Clerk  on  Nepal  affairs.  The  letter  shows  her 
grasp  of  frontier  politics  and  her  knowledge  of  character. 
Here  is  her  opinion  of  the  minister  who  succeeded  the 
murdered  Matabur  Sing. 

"  He  is  a  timid  nervous  creature,  who  seems  to  live  with 
a  drawn  sword  over  his  head,  in  every  point  a  contrast  to 
poor  Matabur.  .  .  .  He  always  gets  a  pain  in  his  stomach 
when  he  is  summoned  to  Durbar  and  feels  afraid  to  go. 
The  man  with  real  influence  is  Guggur  Sing.  .  .  .  Jung 
Bahadoor,  Matabur's  nephew,  is  likewise  a  general,  and 
called  commander-in-chief.  He  takes  no  very  prominent 
part  just  now,  and  seems  to  spend  his  energies  in  devising 
new  uniforms.  But  he  is  active  and  intelligent,  and  if 
(perhaps  it  would  be  more  correct  to  say,  when)  there  is 
another  slaughter  in  the  Durbar,  the  struggle  will  probably 
be  between  Jung  Bahadoor  and  Guggur  Sing." 

Even  the  Maharaja  of  Nepal  seems  to  have  felt  some 
shame  when  contrasting  Lawrence's  open  nature  with  his 
own.  "  The  Rajah  never  was  so  civil  to  Lawrence  as  for 
the  last  two  or  three  months,  when  they  met  on  the  road, 
getting  out  of  his  palkee  and  walking  with  him— almost 
apologising  for  Matabur's  murder,  saying  he  had  warned 
the  general  and  expostulated  in  vain,  and  that  at  last  it 
was  plain  both  could  not  live."  When  the  Sikhs  invaded 
British  territory  unrest  prevailed  in  Nepal.  "  There  was 
vast  talk  about  the  Rajah  increasing  the  number  of  his 


98  The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

regiments,  but  I  fancy  this  has  ended  in  the  manufacture 
of  3000  skullcaps  for  the  soldiers  already  forthcoming, 
at  least  tailors  seemed  more  in  request  than  officers  at 
Nepaul.  The  Rajah  has  repeatedly  offered  5000  of  his 
troops  to  aid  us  against  the  Sikhs,  and  Lawrence  would  be 
very  glad  if  500  of  them  were  taken  to  serve  with  our  army, 
as  hostages  for  the  troops  at  Nepaul.  You  know  his 
opinion  of  that  army,  that  they  would  be  a  formidable 
defensive  force  in  their  own  strong  country,  but  very 
insignificant  invaders  without  either  cavalry  or  guns  (they 
have  plenty  of  guns,  but  could  not  easily  move  them), 
and  there  is  not  a  man  of  them  who  ever  saw  a  shot  fired ; 
yet,  really,  people  in  the  plains  talk  of  the  Nepaul  horsemen 
just  as  of  the  Afghan.  I  wish  you  could  have  seen  some  of 
the  riders,  when  Matabur  insisted  on  the  officers  being 
mounted,  and  every  bazaar  in  the  neighbouring  plains  was 
ransacked  for  tattoos.  It  was  formidable  when  we  were 
out  in  the  carriage  of  an  evening,  and  met  a  few  colonels 
and  Komadans  holding  hard  on  their  vicious  brutes  that 
utterly  refused  to  obey  the  rein,  squeezing  almost  against 
the  carriage  wheels,  while  the  rider,  in  a  flurry  of  politeness 
and  fright,  kept,  '  Salam,  Sahib,  salam — nyaghora,  sahib — 
bohuttez.' l 

"  It  would  puzzle  a  professor  of  political  economy  to 
account  for  such  a  lying  and  murderous  Durbar,  such  an 
inoffensive  army,  and  such  a  prosperous,  well-fed,  well- 
clothed,  well-lodged  population,  all  crowded  into  that  bit 
of  a  valley."  2 

On  January  24,  1845,  a  second  son  was  born,  the  late 
Sir  Henry  Waldemar  Lawrence,  the  first  Christian  child 
born  in  Nepal.  Mrs.  Lawrence  was  dangerously  ill,  yet, 
having  seen  death  face  to  face,  she  could  write  to  her  friend, 
Mrs.  Cameron:  "  Mary,  our  trust  in  Jesus  is  no  delusion  .  .  . 

1  "  Salaam,  sir,  salaam — a  new  horse — very  fresh." 

2  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  39-42. 


GL'RKHAS. 


Nepal  and  the  Gurkhas  99, 

if  we  live  to  rear  these  little  ones  He  has  given  us,  may 
we  bring  them  up  as  for  Him." 

Henry  Lawrence  had  been  appointed  Resident  of  Nepal 
partly  because  the  state  of  his  health — enfeebled  by  ex- 
ceptional zeal  in  the  service  of  his  country — called  for  rest 
and  quiet.  But  he  was  not  content  to  repose.  For 
nearly  twenty  years  he  had  toiled  without  ceasing,  and  now 
had  come  a  chance  for  ease.  His  duty  restrained  him  from 
interference  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Nepal.  His  own 
account  of  his  state  of  health  at  this  time  is  set  forth  in  a 
letter  to  an  assurance  company  at  Calcutta. 

"  I  often  ail,  but,  with  the  exceptions  above  noted,  do 
not  remember  having  been  confined  to  my  bed  for  a  day 
since  1826.  My  habits  are  extremely  abstemious.  I  keep 
very  early  hours,  eat  sparingly,  and  scarcely  touch  wine, 
beer,  or  spirits.  I  believe  I  can  stand  fatigue  of  mind  or 
body  with  any  man  in  India.  I  have  repeatedly  ridden 
eighty  and  a  hundred  miles  at  a  stretch  at  the  hottest 
season  of  the  year;  and  I  have  for  weeks  worked  twelve 
and  fourteen  hours  a  day  at  my  desk.  Here  I  have  almost 
a  sinecure,  and  have  no  possible  temptation  to  try  my 
strength." 

To  remain  a  mere  spectator  was  not  in  his  power,  and  he 
turned  to  literature  as  an  outlet  for  the  pent-up  energy. 
He  now  wrote  a  Defence  of  Sir  William  Macnaughten,  the 
late  envoy  at  Kabul,  who  had  been  blamed  as  the  originator 
of  an  Afghan  policy  of  which  he  was  merely  the  exponent. 
It  was  not  in  Lawrence's  nature  to  allow  an  unjust  im- 
putation to  rest  upon  any  man's  head  without  an  attempt 
to  right  the  wrong,  and  this  "  defence  "  was  drawn  up 
with  the  idea  of  solacing  the  widow  of  the  murdered  envoy. 
The  document  is  chiefly  remembered  now  for  the  passages 
that  foreshadowed  the  rising  of  1857,  throwing  blame 
upon  the  blind  self-confidence  that  characterised  British 
policy  in  India,  the  unpreparedness  for  disaffection,  the 


i  oo         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

lack  of  supplies,  the  weakness  of  the  British  garrisons, 
and  "  the  neglect  of  all  recognised  rules  for  military 
occupation." 

His  chief  literary  work  appeared  in  the  Calcutta  Review, 
edited  by  Sir  John  Kaye,  who  has  told  how  Major  Law- 
rence came  to  publish  his  views  upon  military  and  social 
problems. 

"It  had  occurred  to  me,  then  residing  in  Calcutta,  to 
establish  a  review,  similar  in  form  and  character  to  the 
Edinburgh,  the  Quarterly,  and  the  Westminster  Reviews, 
but  devoted  entirely  to  Indian  subjects  and  questions. 
It  was  a  bold  and  seemingly  a  hopeless  experiment,  and  I 
expected  that  it  would  last  out  a  few  numbers  and  then 
die,  leaving  me  perhaps  a  poorer  man  than  before.  Its 
success  astonished  no  one  more  than  myself.  That  it  did 
succeed  is,  in  no  small  measure,  attributable  to  the 
strenuous  support  of  Henry  Lawrence."  l 

He  was  not  in  time  to  help  with  the  first  issue,  but 
promised  to  write  regularly.  His  first  contribution  dealt 
with  Punjabi  history,  and  after  that  he  had  two  or  three 
papers  in  each  number.  "  His  fertility  indeed  was 
marvellous.  I  have  a  letter  before  me,  in  which  he  under- 
took to  supply  to  one  number  four  articles,  comprising 
a  hundred  and  ten  pages.  His  contributions  were  gravid 
with  matter  of  the  best  kind — important  facts  accompanied 
by  weighty  opinions  and  wise  suggestions.  But  he  was 
always  deploring,  and  not  without  reason,  his  want  of 
literary  skill.  This  want  would  have  been  a  sore  trial  to 
an  editor,  if  it  had  not  been  accompanied  by  the  self- 
knowledge  of  which  I  have  spoken.  There  was  indeed 
a  charming  candour  and  modesty  about  him  as  a  writer: 
an  utter  absence  of  vanity,  opinionativeness,  and  sensitive 
egotism  about  small  things.  He  was  eager  in  his  exhorta- 
tions to  the  editor  to  '  cut  and  prune.'  ...  On  one 
1  Lives  of  Indian  Officers,  pp.  288-290. 


Nepal  and  the  Gurkhas  101 

occasion,  but  one  only,  he  was  vexed  by  the  manner  in 
which  the  editorial  authority  had  been  exercised.  In 
an  article  on  the  '  Military  Defence  of  our  Indian  Empire,' 
which,  seen  by  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  has  quite 
a  flush  of  prophecy  upon  it,  he  insisted,  more  strongly 
than  the  editor  liked  at  the  time,  on  the  duty  of  a  Govern- 
ment being  at  all  times  prepared  for  war.  Certain  events, 
then  painfully  fresh  in  the  public  mind,  had  given  the 
editor  somewhat  ultra-pacific  tendencies,  and  in  the  course 
of  the  correspondence  he  must  have  expressed  his  opinions 
over-strongly,  by  applying  the  epithet  '  abominable  '  to 
certain  doctrines  which  Lawrence  held  more  in  favour. 
'  When  you  know  me  better,'  he  wrote  in  reply,  '  you  will 
not  think  that  I  can  advocate  anything  abominable.' 
And  nothing  was  more  true.  The  contributor  was  right, 
and  the  editor  was  wrong.  ...  He  continued  to  the  end 
of  his  life  to  contribute  at  intervals  to  this  publication, 
and  was,  when  the  rebellion  of  1857  broke  out,  employed 
on  a  review  of  the  Life  of  Sir  John  Malcolm,  which  he  never 
lived  to  complete. 

"  In  his  literary  labours  at  this  time  Henry  Lawrence 
was  greatly  assisted  by  his  admirable  wife,  who  not  only 
aided  him  in  the  collection  and  arrangement  of  such  of 
his  facts  as  he  culled  from  books,  and  often  helped  him  to 
put  his  sentences  in  order,  but  sometimes  wrote  articles 
of  her  own,  distinguished  by  no  little  literary  ability,  but 
still  more  valuable  for  the  good  womanly  feeling  that 
imbued  them.  ...  In  her  writings,  indeed,  she  generally 
appealed  to  her  own  sex,  with  a  winning  tenderness  and 
charity,  as  one  knowing  well  the  besetting  weaknesses  of 
humanity  and  the  special  temptations  to  indolence  and 
self-indulgence  in  such  a  country  as  India  .  .  .  and 
seldom  or  never  did  a  month  pass  without  bringing  me,  as 
I  laboured  on  in  Calcutta,  a  bulky  packet  of  manuscript 
from  one  or  other — or  both." 


102         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Their  contributions  included,  The  Sikhs  and  Their 
Country,  Kashmir,  Military  Defence,  Romance  and  Reality, 
The  Kingdom  of  Oude,  Mahratta  History  and  Empire, 
Carriage  for  Sick  and  Wounded,  English  Children  in  India, 
and  English  Women  in  Hindustan. 

As  Major  Lawrence  and  his  wife  sat  in  their  balcony 
at  Khatmandu,  drinking  in  the  pure  bracing  air,  and 
rejoicing  in  the  beauty  around  them,  their  hearts  went  out 
to  the  little  ones  in  the  plains,  the  children  of  the  European 
soldiers,  who  were  being  dragged  about  from  cantonment 
to  cantonment,  their  strength  and  energy  sapped  by  the 
sun,  wasted  by  fever,  sickening  in  the  stifling  night  time; 
and  their  desire  to  benefit  and  safeguard  the  children  now 
began  to  take  definite  shape.  Often  had  their  own  eyes 
turned  with  longing  to  the  hills ;  now  the  desire  had  come, 
and  each  day  they  were  able  to  look  out  upon  the  ever- 
lasting hills,  glittering  white  peaks  piled  range  upon  range 
in  fantastic  turrets  and  pinnacles.  Sunset  and  sunrise 
revealed  glories  hitherto  undreamt  of;  the  cool  breath  of 
the  snows  was  theirs  to  enjoy,  and  strength  returned  to 
the  enfeebled  frames.  But  in  their  own  present  happiness 
they  did  not  close  their  eyes  to  the  miseries  of  others, 
nor  make  the  contrast  a  completer  joy.  The  cry  of  the 
little  ones  rang  in  their  ears — the  awful  mortality  of  the 
children,  their  British  birthright  lost  to  the  few  who 
survived,  the  strength  of  body  and  the  moral  fibre 
weakened.  Bad  enough  for  boys  was  the  barrack  life; 
infinitely  worse  for  the  girls.  Every  one  regretted  that 
it  was  so — and  there  the  matter  had  stayed,  until  Henry 
Lawrence  resolved  that  something  not  only  could  but 
should  be  done.  He  wrote  from  Nepal  to  the  Governor- 
General's  military  secretary  to  beg  for  Government 
sanction  and  approval  of  the  scheme  he  and  Mrs.  Lawrence 
had  planned. 

He  proposed  that  a  home  for  the  children  of  soldiers 


Nepal  and  the  Gurkhas  103 

should  be  established  in  the  hills,  to  be  supported  mainly 
by  voluntary  contributions ;  orphans  to  be  admitted  free, 
and,  where  possible,  part  of  the  cost  to  be  borne  by  parents  ; 
Bible  instruction  to  be  given  to  all,  but  arrangements  to  be 
made  by  which  the  children  of  Roman  Catholics  and  Non- 
conformists might  be  instructed  by  teachers  of  their  own 
sects  ;  the  Government  to  assist  by  making  the  advantages 
of  the  institution  known  as  widely  as  possible  in  each 
regiment,  and  the  principal  civil  and  military  officers 
at  the  nearest  station  to  be  associated  in  the  management 
with  five  persons  selected  by  subscribers.  A  donation  of 
a  hundred  rupees  or  an  annual  subscription  of  twenty- 
four  rupees  should  entitle  to  a  vote ;  the  men  of  a  regiment 
could  club  their  subscriptions  and  claim  votes  in  pro- 
portion to  the  total  amount. 

Major  Lawrence  had  not  been  able  to  put  by  any  of  his 
previous  earnings,  but  this  did  not  deter  him  from  giving 
five  thousand  rupees  (£500)  to  launch  his  project,  and 
subscribing  one  thousand  rupees  per  annum. 

In  due  course  the  Government  threw  cold  water  on  the 
scheme,  and  the  official  reply  quoted  the  views  of  various 
officers,  who  had  been  consulted,  by  which  "  he  would 
perceive  that  his  plan  was  not  feasible."  Lawrence 
interpreted  these  soldiers'  expressions  of  opinion  in  a 
different  sense  and  "  saw  nothing  of  the  kind."  He 
persevered  and  obtained  substantial  offers  of  assistance. 
In  March  1846  while  the  Sikh  war  was  in  progress  he 
convened  a  meeting  and  explained  his  views  to  a  number 
of  officers,  including  the  Commander-in-Chief,  Sir  Hugh 
Gough,  Sir  Harry  Smith,  Colonels  Havelock,  Birch,  and 
Grant,  and  Lieutenant  Herbert  Edwardes,  his  dear  friend 
and  disciple. 

The  meeting  heartily  approved  the  scheme,  and  the  fate 
of  the  Lawrence  Asylum  was  assured.  Sanawar,  beauti- 
fully and  healthfully  situated  in  the  hills  near  Simla,  was 


1 04         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

fixed  upon  as  the  site  for  the  original  home.  In  course  of 
time  "  Lawrence  Asylums  "  were  established  in  various 
hill  districts,  where  alone  European  children  can  thrive, 
and  the  good,  moral  and  physical,  derived  from  the 
asylums  by  the  white  children  in  India  has  been  incalcul- 
able. 


CHAPTER  XII 
(1845-1846) 

THE    SIKHS 

Lord  Hardinge  and  John  Lawrence — History  of  the  Sikhs — Sikh 
Aggression — Both  Henry  and  John  are  needed — Defeat  of  the 
Sikhs — Gulab  Singh  and  Kashmir. 

As  magistrate  and  collector  of  Delhi  and  Paniput  John 
Lawrence  first  attracted  the  attention  of  one  who  had  the 
power  to  make  or  mar.  Henry's  name  was  known  far 
and  wide,  but  John's  work  had  not  brought  him  promi- 
nently before  the  eye  of  authority.  Two  at  least  of  the 
three  Governors-General,  under  whom  he  had  held  office, 
had  appreciated  the  genius  of  the  elder  brother,  but  in 
all  probability  none  of  the  three  was  aware  of  the  existence 
of  John  Lawrence.  But  now  a  new  ruler  came  to  India, 
Sir  Henry  Hardinge,  a  famous  soldier,  the  favourite  of 
the  Duke  of  Wellington,  and  a  man  beloved  for  his  chivalry, 
his  courage  of  the  highest  type,  and  his  real  goodness  of 
heart.  Thorough^  resolved  to  do  his  duty  in  his  high 
calling  the  new  Governor-General  began  to  acquire  know- 
ledge by  personally  inspecting  the  frontiers.  Not  a  mere 
sight-seeing  parade  but  an  honest  attempt  to  learn  more 
of  the  conditions  and  modes  of  life  of  the  people  set  under 
him,  and,  being  a  soldier,  to  make  sure  that  no  steps  had 
been  neglected  to  provide  against  the  dreaded  Sikh 
invasion.  While  in  the  Delhi  district  he  was  greatly  im- 
pressed by  the  ability  and  sagacity,  energy,  resource,  and 
thoroughness  of  the  magistrate,  and  before  they  had  been 


1 06         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

together  for  many  hours  they  had  begun  to  understand 
and  appreciate  one  another.  The  time  was  close  at  hand 
when  Sir  Henry  Hardinge,  in  need  of  the  man  for  a  most 
important  duty,  gave  the  order,  "  Send  me  John  Lawrence  !  " 

A  month  later  the  inevitable  war  broke  out.  In 
December  1845  a  Sikh  force  of  more  than  one  hundred 
thousand  soldiers  and  camp  followers,  with  a  hundred  and 
fifty  pieces  of  heavy  artillery,  crossed  the  Sutlej  and 
challenged  England  to  a  fight  for  supremacy  on  the  Indian 
continent,  and  Henry  Lawrence  was  summoned  post-haste 
from  Nepal.  The  man  who  knew  most  about  the  Sikhs 
was  needed,  and  the  Governor-General  had  studied 
Lawrence's  essays  on  the  Punjab  in  the  Calcutta  Review. 

The  Sikhs  are  a  sect,  not  a  race.  In  the  early  years  of 
the  sixteenth  century  the  Guru  Nanuk  rose  up  in  the 
Punjab  to  denounce  the  idolatry  of  modern  Hinduism 
and  to  teach  a  purer  faith.  Nanuk  was  a  man  of  saintly 
life  and  doctrine  and  his  many  followers  became  known 
as  Sikhs,  from  the  Sanskrit  Sishya  (a  disciple).  The 
Guru  (high-priest)  held  that  Mohammedans  served  the 
same  Supreme  Being  under  another  name.  Recognising 
the  element  of  truth  in  each  of  the  two  chief  religions  of 
Hindustan,  he  applied  himself  to  build  a  purer  faith  out 
of  both,  and  he  preached  the  unity  of  the  Godhead,  uni- 
versal toleration  and  benevolence,  and  strict  morality.  He 
swept  away  the  incubus  of  caste,  and  taught  that  in  the 
eyes  of  God  high  and  low  are  one. 

The  first  Guru  was  a  man  of  such  purity,  humility,  and 
charm  of  character  that  Mohammedans  willingly  acknow- 
ledged him  a  prophet  of  God,  and,  on  his  death,  a  dispute 
arose  as  to  whether  his  body  should  be  burned  as  a  Hindu 
or  buried  as  a  Mussulman.  There  is  something  ironical  in 
the  reflection  that,  in  spite  of  the  common  belief  in  one 
God  and  antagonism  to  idolatry,  thie  attempt  to  unite 
with   the   Mohammedans  only  resulted   in   the   deadliest 


The  Sikhs  107 

hatred  between  the  two  sects — a  hatred  which  has  in  no 
wise  abated. 

The  first  Mogul  emperor,  Baber,  had  too  much  on  his 
hands  to  pay  close  attention  to  the  insignificant  new  sect, 
and  during  the  glorious  reign  of  Akbar  the  tolerant,  and 
also  under  Jehangir  and  Shah  Jehan,  the  Sikhs  were  free 
from  persecution.  It  was  not  until  a  much  later  date  that 
the  brotherhood  was  destined  to  develop  military  tend- 
encies of  such  a  nature  as  to  cause  alarm  to  the  Mogul 
rulers.  But  towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
when  the  fanatical  zeal  of  Aurungzebe  had  developed  into 
a  mania,  the  attempts  of  that  monarch  to  suppress  the 
Sikhs  resulted  in  a  corresponding  enthusiasm  on  their 
part,  and  they  clung  to  their  faith  more  tenaciously  than 
ever.  That  the  obstinate  sect  might  be  finally  disposed 
of,  the  emperor  caused  Tegh  Bahadur,  the  ninth  Guru, 
to  be  tortured  and  executed.  From  that  moment  the 
Sikh  religion  became  militant. 

The  new  Guru,  Govind  Singh,  son  of  Tegh  Bahadur, 
impelled  by  revenge,  devoted  his  followers  to  worship  of 
the  sword.  He  proclaimed  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity ; 
he  commanded  them  to  add  the  name  Singh  (lion)  to  their 
other  names,  to  keep  their  heads  and  beards  unshorn,  to 
wear  blue  garments,  to  avoid  tobacco  in  every  form 
(though  the  use  of  bhang  and  opium  was  not  forbidden), 
and  always  to  carry  a  sword.  He  allowed  them  to  eat  any 
flesh  save  that  of  the  cow  and  also  abolished  caste,  fore- 
seeing the  strength  that  this  would  give  his  forces  by 
establishing  unity  of  aim.  The  very  distinctive  community 
thus  created  he  named  the  Khalsa  (the  "  Elect  "  or  the 
"  Chosen  People  ").  Members  were  admitted  by  a  kind 
of  baptismal  rite,  when  an  oath  was  taken  not  to  worship 
images,  never  to  do  obeisance  to  any  other  than  a  Guru, 
and  never  to  turn  the  back  on  a  foe. 

Govind  Singh  refused  to  appoint  a  successor,  but  gave 


108         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

instructions  that  after  his  death  the  Sacred  Book — the 
Granth — should  for  all  time  be  considered  the  Guru  of  the 
Sikhs.  By  this  time  their  creed  was  less  simple  and 
austere  than  as  taught  by  Nanuk.  They  were  no  longer 
the  eclectic  sect  that  their  founder  had  intended,  for  they 
had  resumed  many  of  the  ignoble  practices  of  the  com- 
munity from  which  they  had  broken.  In  some  respects, 
however,  no  change  had  occurred.  They  still  regarded 
graven  images  with  scorn  and  rendered  the  same  complete 
submission  to  their  Guru.  Over  and  over  again  it  is 
impressed  in  the  Granth  that,  "The  Guru  is  guide;  the 
word  of  the  Guru  is  law." 

In  the  present  day  there  is  an  undoubted  tendency  on 
the  part  of  the  Sikhs  to  revert  to  Vaishnavism.  An  ever- 
increasing  number  now  observe  Hindu  ceremonies  and 
festivals,  and  even  consider  it  worth  while  to  conciliate 
the  Hindu  deities,  and  the  exclusiveness  of  caste  is  no 
longer  unknown  to  them.  A  very  long  time  must  elapse, 
however,  before  complete  absorption  takes  place. 

The  vast  majority  of  converts  to  the  Khalsa  were  Jats, 
a  fair  number  of  Khatris  or  northern  Rajputs  being 
attracted,  but  few  Mohammedans  or  pure  Rajputs.  The 
Jats,  who  are  the  most  important  race  of  the  Punjab  and 
of  the  Rajput  States,  are  sturdy  husbandmen  and  yeomen, 
and  are  believed  by  some  authorities,  including  Tod,  to  be 
descended  from  the  Getae  of  the  Greeks,  a  Scythian  tribe 
which  helped  to  overthrow  the  Graeco-Bactrian  power, 
and  which,  it  is  supposed,  settled  in  Northern  India  after 
the  Indo-Scythian  or  Turanian  invasion,  about  ioo  B.C. 
Our  information  regarding  this  race  under  the  name  of  the 
Yueh-chi  is  chiefly  drawn  from  Chinese  sources. 

The  relationship  of  the  Yueh-chi  to  other  races  has  been 
much  discussed ;  by  some  they  have  even  been  identified 
with  the  Goths.  Professor  Max  Miiller,  however,  con- 
siders  this   derivation   of   the   Jats    "  not   proven,"    and 


The  Sikhs  109 

Dr.  Trumpp  regards  them  as  descendants  of  the  first 
Aryan  settlers  in  the  Indus  valley.  Their  language,  which 
is  of  Sanskrit  origin,  certainly  favours  his  view. 

No  sooner  had  Govind  Singh  created  the  Khalsa  than  a 
sanguinary  struggle  against  the  paramount  power  ensued. 
Aurungzebe,  however,  was  too  strong  a  man,  and  though 
the  Sikhs  were  knit  closer  together  and  their  military 
capabilities  brought  out,  they  seemed  to  make  but  little 
impression  on  the  Mogul  power.  Aurungzebe  died  in  the 
year  1707,  whereupon  the  Hindu  leaders  in  all  quarters  of 
the  empire,  foreseeing  the  decline  of  the  Mogul  rule, 
waxed  aggressive.  Bahadur  Shah,  the  new  emperor, 
was  soon  weighed  in  the  balances  against  his  predecessor 
and  found  wanting. 

Within  twelve  months  of  the  death  of  Aurungzebe, 
Govind  Singh,  the  tenth  and  last  of  the  Chief  Gurus,  met 
his  fate  at  the  hands  of  two  Pathan  brothers  in  settlement 
of  a  blood  feud.  This  did  not  tend  to  lessen  the  religious 
animosity,  and  the  struggle  for  independence  waxed 
fiercer  and  fiercer.  The  quondam  religious  brotherhood, 
after  defeating  one  of  the  governors  of  the  empire,  sacked 
the  town  of  Sirhind  with  atrocious  accompaniment. 

This  success  augmented  the  Sikh  ranks  considerably, 
all  the  outcasts  of  the  Punjab,  as  well  as  numbers  of  low- 
caste  Hindus,  finding  it  profitable  to  become  converted. 
Bahadur  Shah,  that  he  might  have  a  free  hand  in  dealing 
with  this  new  element,  hastened  to  conciliate  the  Hindu 
princes  by  concessions  calculated  to  make  his  bigoted 
predecessor  turn  in  his  grave.  This  accomplished,  the 
Sikhs  were  for  a  time  kept  under,  and  for  a  lengthy  period 
they  suffered  persecution  with  great  firmness — thousands 
being  executed  with  torture  rather  than  forsake  their 
creed. 

During  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  the 
Sikh  organisation  improved  in  a  wonderful  manner.     The 

H 


i  i  o         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

various  districts  gathered  themselves  into  confederacies 
known  as  misls,  under  capable  leaders,  and  successfully 
resisted  both  Mogul  and  Afghan  invaders,  and  about  the 
year  1780  the  dominion  of  the  Khalsa  was  paramount  in 
the  Punjab,  Pathan  attacks  were  less  frequent  and  less 
dangerous,  while  the  Mogul  Empire  had  become  but  a 
shadow  of  its  former  might.  The  brotherhood  had  formally 
assumed  the  character  of  a  nation,  and  had  issued  coinage, 
from  which  the  name  of  the  Mogul  ruler  was  absent. 

But  now  a  power,  mightier  by  far  than  the  Sikhs,  was 
advancing,  inexorable  as  fate,  its  boundaries  spreading 
more  rapidly  than  theirs  in  all  directions.  Inevitable  it 
seemed  that  a  terrible  shock  must  result  at  some  not 
distant  date,  but  through  the  wisdom  of  Ranjit  Singh  the 
blow  did  not  fall  until  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
This  future  maharaja  was  the  son  of  a  sirdar  of  one  of 
the  misls.  He  was  born  in  1780,  and  in  his  twentieth  year 
was  already  regarded  as  one  of  the  foremost  chieftains. 
In  his  early  days  he  was  probably  greatly  influenced  by 
the  careers  of  his  father's  contemporaries,  Madhaji  Sindhia 
and  Mulhar  Rao  Holkar,  who  had  risen  to  sovereignty 
from  a  position  similar  to  his ;  the  former,  indeed,  having 
just  failed  to  snatch  the  dominion  of  India,  a  failure  largely 
due  to  the  jealousy  of  the  rival  house  of  Holkar. 

Ranjit  Singh  proved  more  sagacious,  if  perhaps  less 
brilliant,  than  the  Mahratta  princes ;  and  by  the  year  1812 
he  had  by  force,  cunning,  or  persuasion  brought  most  of 
the  sirdars  under  his  sway.  Possessing  all  the  qualities 
of  a  leader  himself,  he  saw  that  his  material  was  the  finest 
in  India,  and  to  disarm  jealousy  he  took  good  care  to 
proclaim  that  he  acted  always  as  the  servant  of  Govind 
and  of  the  Khalsa.  The  popularity  which  this  brought 
him  amongst  the  soldiers  did  not  turn  his  head,  for,  unlike 
most  Eastern  conquerors,  he  was  able  to  perceive  his  own 
limitations.     Fond  of  power  as  he  was,  his  sagacity  never 


The  Sikhs  I  i  i 

misled  him  as  to  the  futility  of  any  attempt  to  measure 
himself  against  the  British,  with  whom  he  remained  in 
friendship  until  his  death  in  1839. 

Having  repeatedly  defeated  the  Afghans,  he  turned  his 
attention  to  the  rajas  of  the  petty  hill  states  ;  then  in  1818 
he  captured  Multan.  The  next  year  he  expelled  the 
Afghans  from  Kashmir  and  annexed  that  kingdom,  and 
a  little  later  again  defeated  them  and  took  Peshawar. 
This  aroused  the  Pathan  tribes  to  intense  fury.  Jehad 
was  preached  by  the  mullahs,  religious  wars  ensued,  and 
for  many  years  the  Khalsa  warriors  were  hotly  engaged, 
rarely  without  complete  success.  In  1838,  however, 
Dost  Mohammed,  the  new  amir,  swiftly  gathered  together 
a  large  army  and  defeated  the  Sikhs  before  Peshawar; 
but  the  Barukzai  chief  had  to  withdraw  without  taking 
the  town. 

The  "  Lion  of  the  Punjab  " — one  of  the  most  remarkable 
figures  of  the  East — died  in  the  following  year.  Com- 
merce, industry,  and  art  had  not  been  encouraged  by  his 
rule;  his  whole  attention  had  been  given  to  the  creation 
of  a  military  nation  out  of  the  loosely  organised  misls, 
and  the  fighting  machine  thus  produced  is  without  a  rival 
in  Indian  history.  His  co-religionists  numbered  less  than 
2,000,000,  yet  he  had  brought  under  their  sway  nearly 
20,000,000  people. 

Following  close  upon  his  death  came  the  First  Afghan 
War,  and  the  mismanagement  and  consequent  disasters 
aroused  in  the  Sikh  mind  the  idea  that  their  late  ruler  had 
been  mistaken  with  regard  to  the  invincibility  of  the 
British.  The  traditions  of  Ranjit  Singh  luckily  remained 
fresh,  and  the  new  government  stood  loyal  and  even 
allowed  the  passage  of  troops  through  their  country. 
But,  later,  the  usual  disputes  and  intrigues  arose  as  to  the 
succession,  and  a  state  of  anarchy  followed  the  assassination 
of  several  of  the  claimants.     The  nation  becoming  restive, 


i  i  2         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

the  influence  of  the  militant  anti-British  party  increased, 
and  troops  were  moved  towards  the  frontier.  The  British, 
anxious  to  avoid  collision,  viewed  these  movements  with 
apprehension,  and  strengthened  their  forces.  Exagger- 
ated accounts  of  these  preparations  filled  the  Sikhs  with 
alarm,  and,  further  anarchy  prevailing,  the  Sikh  army 
became  insubordinate  and  shortly  took  the  real  power 
of  the  state  into  its  own  hands.  In  December  1845  the 
war  party  could  no  longer  be  restrained ;  the  Sikhs  crossed 
the  Sutlej  and  war  was  declared.  At  once  the  insubordina- 
tion ceased,  and  the  army  of  the  Khalsa  returned  to  its 
old  discipline  and  loyalty. 

Now  had  come  the  opportunity  for  Henry  and  John 
Lawrence  to  prove  that  those  qualities,  which  had  served 
the  state  so  well  in  matters  parochial  by  comparison,  equally 
fitted  them  to  rule  an  empire.  Henceforward  the  name  of 
Lawrence  will  be  for  ever  linked  with  that  of  the  Sikh 
nation,  of  whom  they  were  in  turn  foemen,  conciliators 
and  counsellors,  judges,  rulers,  leaders,  and  demi-gods. 

The  opening  battles  of  Mudki  and  Ferozshah  were  hotly 
contested.  The  Sikhs  retired  across  the  Sutlej  to  recruit, 
and  the  British  force,  though  victorious,  had  received  a 
staggering  blow,  the  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  at  Feroz- 
shah alone  numbering  two  thousand  five  hundred.  The 
enemy  disgraced  their  valour  by  gross  treachery  and 
barbarity.  Chief  among  the  British  losses  was  the  death  of 
Major  Broadfoot,  the  distinguished  soldier  of  Jelalabad, 
who  had  been  appointed  envoy  at  Lahore. 

Quick  came  the  call  to  Henry  Lawrence  to  replace  the  loss. 

"  You  are  required  forthwith,"  wrote  Mr.  Currie,  the 
Governor-General's  secretary,  from  the  camp  at  Ferozpore. 
"  You  should  make  over  your  charge  to  your  assistant 
.  .  .  and  come  with  all  despatch  to  this  place.  .  .  . 
Come  quickly.  ...  I  have  no  time  for  more;  lose  no 
time  in  coming." 


The  Sikhs  i  i  3 

Henry  Lawrence  was  not  the  man  to  lose  time.  He 
received  the  message  at  seven  p.m.  on  January  6,  1846,  and 
by  three  p.m.  next  day  he  had  set  forth.  The  hurried  part- 
ing was  the  harder  for  husband  and  wife  because  Mrs.  Law- 
rence and  the  two  boys  were  shortly  to  set  out  for  England. 
"  I  wished  for  many  reasons  to  delay  a  week,"  he  wrote 
in  his  Nepal  Journal,  "  but  I  ought  to  go  at  once.  .  .  . 
My  wife,  my  darling  wife  will  support  herself  and  believe 
that  He,  Who  brought  us  together,  and  has  kept  us  midst 
many  dangers  and  many  partings,  can  and  will  protect 
us  still.  May  we  both  trust  in  our  Saviour  and  endeavour 
to  show  our  trust  by  our  conduct." 

At  the  same  time  came  the  turn  of  the  younger  brother. 
Sir  Henry  Hardinge  remembered  the  magistrate  and 
collector  of  Delhi,  with  whose  qualifications  and  capability 
he  had  been  so  pleased,  and  he  sent  a  message  to  John 
Lawrence  to  come  to  the  aid  of  the  sorely-pressed  army. 
How  proud  would  Alexander  Lawrence  have  been  had  he 
lived  to  know  that  when  India  was  in  need  of  her  best 
men  the  choice  should  fall  upon  two  of  his  sons.  The 
mother  was  happy  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  her  "  best- 
beloved's  "  fame,  and  a  glimpse  only,  before  she  died. 

A  reverse  at  Budhowal  and  a  victory  at  Aliwal  followed 
close  upon  the  battle  of  Ferozshah,  and  in  both  these 
fields  the  Sikhs  fought  like  heroes.  A  week  or  two  later 
Gough  crushed  the  Khalsa  at  Sobraon  and  the  First  Sikh 
War  was  over. 

Sobraon  might  have  been  another  Mudki  or  Ferozshah 
had  John  Lawrence  been  less  thorough.  He  it  was  who 
had  collected  and  sent  forward  the  huge  train  of  supplies 
and  the  heavy  guns  which  made  Sobraon  a  decisive  battle. 
More  than  once  had  he  striven  in  vain  to  reform  the 
wretched  system  by  which  supplies,  draught  vehicles  and 
animals,  and  the  necessary  thousands  of  drivers  and  camp- 
followers    were    obtained.     The    mortality    of    transport 


i  14         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

animals  was  always  heavy,  and  owing  to  the  hopeless  dis- 
honesty of  the  natives  employed  to  contract  for  supplies, 
and  the  difficulty  of  checking  fraud  by  the  overworked 
English  officials  in  such  times  of  hurry  and  bustle,  owners 
of  good  animals  were  naturally  reluctant  to  supply  the 
army.  The  expenditure  became  reckless  —  for  animals 
must  be  forthcoming  whatever  the  cost  —  and  when 
sufficient  had  been  collected  and  the  order  given  to  march, 
the  drivers  had  a  habit  of  deserting  in  thousands.  Yet 
John  Lawrence  succeeded  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  his 
district  had  already  been  drained.  He  provided  four 
thousand  carts,  drawn  by  twenty-four  thousand  oxen, 
took  care  that  the  owners  were  compensated,  and  inspired 
the  seven  thousand  native  drivers  and  servants  with  such 
confidence  that  the  number  of  desertions  was  insignificant, 
and  the  huge  convoy  arrived  in  time  to  turn  the  scale. 

Henry  Lawrence  had  his  share  also  in  Sobraon.  Present 
as  a  political,  he  somehow  found  his  way  to  the  guns  and 
helped  to  direct  the  operations  of  his  old  corps. 

The  Khalsa  had  been  badly  beaten,  and  the  Punjab  was 
at  the  disposal  of  the  East  India  Company  whose  territory 
had  been  so  wantonly  invaded.  Advocates  of  annexation 
were  not  wanting  and  their  arguments  were  reasonable. 
The  Sikhs  had  shown  conclusively  their  hatred  of  the 
English  by  their  ferocity  towards  the  wounded — a  striking 
contrast  to  the  chivalry  displayed  by  the  Gurkhas  in  the 
Nepal  War.  That  they  would  prove  bad  neighbours  was 
plain  enough,  argued  the  annexationists.  The  soldiers 
of  the  commonwealth  had  shown  that  they  were  masterless 
men,  scornful  of  their  nominal  rulers,  and  they  were  not 
likely  to  settle  down  in  peace  until  the  English  should 
prove  that  they  were  beyond  doubt  their  masters,  and 
until  a  strong,  just  rule  should  be  set  up  to  displace  the 
intriguing  puppets  who  played  at  governing  in  Lahore. 

On  the  other  hand  the  East  India  Company  evinced 


The  Sikhs  115 

its  usual  distaste  for  the  acquisition  of  new  territory 
accompanied  by  increased  responsibility,  anxiety,  and 
outlay.  Sir  Henry  Hardinge,  who  had  himself  fought 
with  the  bravest,  and  whose  gallantry  at  Ferozshah  had 
helped  to  turn  the  tide,  was  against  annexation,  and  his 
own  views  were  strengthened  by  the  influence  of  Henry 
Lawrence,  now  a  power  in  the  land.  The  Sikhs  were  down, 
they  were  humbled,  and  Lawrence  placed  himself  in  their 
position.  Had  Ranjit  Singh's  Ironsides  been  still  un- 
broken, had  they  shown  any  disposition  further  to  dispute 
our  prowess,  a  Lawrence  would  have  been  the  last  to 
advocate  withdrawal.  "  There  is,"  he  wrote  later  to  the 
Governor-General,  "  all  the  difference  in  the  world  between 
voluntarily  restoring  a  country  at  a  period  of  perfect 
peace,  and  abandoning  it  when  pressed  or  even  threatened 
with  danger." 

Though  his  wisdom  did  not  ignore  the  likelihood  of  a 
fresh  trial  of  strength  as  soon  as  the  Punjab  should,  with 
its  wonderful  elasticity,  recover  from  the  Sobraon  blow, 
he  maintained  that  the  Sikhs  should  be  given  another 
chance.  To  teach  and  guide  the  Lahore  durbar,  to  give 
proof  of  a  desire  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the 
Punjabis,  to  allow  them  to  see  that  Englishmen  are  not 
bound  by  the  motives  that  rule  Asiatics,  all  this  he  advised, 
and  Hardinge  believed  in  Henry  Lawrence. 

The  Sikhs  needed  a  lesson  however;  nor  could  the 
danger  of  renewed  conflict  be  ignored  by  a  statesman. 
So  the  Governor-General  annexed  the  Jalandar  Doab,  a 
tract  of  fertile  country  between  the  Sutlej  and  the  Beas, 
and  also  the  Trans-Sutlej  Hill  States  conquered  by  Ranjit 
Singh.  These  provinces  would  be  comparatively  easy  of 
administration  ;  the  people — of  whom  only  a  small  minority 
are  Sikhs — would  not  be  averse  from  the  change  of  masters ; 
and  the  new  territory  would  be  of  strategic  importance 
should  the  Khalsa  once  more  pit  itself  against  the  Company. 


i  1 6         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

In  accordance  with  the  custom  of  war  the  vanquished 
aggressors  were  mulcted  with  a  proportion  of  the  victors' 
costs.  This  fine  the  Sikhs  were  unable  to  pay,  and  in  lieu 
of  cash  other  of  Ranjit  Singh's  conquests,  including  that 
earthly  paradise,  the  Vale  of  Kashmir,  were  withdrawn 
from  their  allegiance  to  Lahore.  Unhappily — most  un- 
happily for  the  miserable  Kashmiris — the  Company's 
dread  of  increased  responsibility  combined  with  the  diffi- 
culty of  administration,  cut  off  as  it  was  by  the  Punjab 
from  British  India,  led  the  directors  to  barter  away  that 
lovely  and  healthy  country.  Gulab  Singh,  the  Dogra 
ruler  of  Jammu,  stepped  forward  and  offered  to  pay  the 
fine  and — so  great  was  his  love  for  the  English — he  would 
take  Kashmir  off  their  hands  and  relieve  their  anxiety. 
Gulab  Singh  was  famous  for  his  ability  to  take  care  of 
himself.  He  was  one  of  the  three  Dogra  brothers  whose 
influence  over  Ranjit  Singh  had  been  so  great;  he  was 
the  one  powerful  chieftain  left  of  Ranjit  Singh's  sirdars ; 
he  was  the  most  influential  man  of  the  Lahore  durbar; 
and  he  holds  a  more  prominent  place  than  any  other  native 
in  the  story  of  Henry  Lawrence,  who  was  often  chaffed 
about  his  "  protege."  Even  Herbert  Edwardes  abused 
Gulab  Singh  unmercifully  to  his  protector,  and  no  one 
could  understand  what  seemed  to  be  an  alliance  between 
Vice  and  Virtue. 

Gulab  Singh  had  held  aloof  during  the  war,  ready  to 
side  with  the  victors,  and  Lawrence  admitted  that  he  was 
an  intriguer  with  an  unerring  instinct  to  further  his  own 
ends,  that  he  was  dishonest,  cruel,  a  liar,  and  a  miser. 
But  he  maintained  that,  while  these  faults  were  common 
to  Asiatic  rulers,  Gulab  Singh  had  virtues  of  exceeding 
rarity,  that  he  was  able  and  brave,  and  his  morals  were 
vastly  superior  to  those  of  the  common  run  of  Indian 
rajas,  that  on  occasion  he  could  be  "  mild,  conciliatory,  and 
even  merciful,"  and  that  his  character  was  one  capable  of 


The  Sikhs  117 

being  moulded.  If  Kashmir  must  be  sold,  let  it  be  to  a 
man,  not  to  a  vicious  weakling,  and  of  all  the  possibles 
Gulab  Singh  was  the  least  objectionable. 

Ruffian  as  the  Maharaja  of  Kashmir  undoubtedly  was, 
his  admiration  and  respect  for  Henry  Lawrence  were 
genuine  and  an  influence  for  good.  He  was  niggardly 
and  yet  he  offered  one  hundred  thousand  rupees  to  the 
Lawrence  Asylum  when  the  work  was  started,  and  though 
Lawrence  declined  the  offer  at  first,  he  finally  asked  the 
Government's  sanction  and  accepted  the  gift.  And 
when  his  patron  left  the  Punjab,  Gulab  Singh  sent  twenty- 
five  thousand  rupees  to  the  asylum,  instead  of  subscribing 
to  the  testimonial,  rightly  judging  that  so  unselfish  a  man 
would  prefer  this  method  of  expressing  regret. 

Gulab  Singh's  offer  of  a  million  sterling  was  accepted, 
and  when,  in  March  1846,  the  Lahore  Treaty  was  signed 
by  Mr.  Currie  and  Major  Lawrence  on  the  part  of  England, 
and  by  the  boy-maharaja,  Dhulip  Singh,  and  his  minister, 
Lai  Singh,  on  the  part  of  the  Sikhs,  Gulab  Singh  was 
invested  Maharaja  of  Jammu  and  Kashmir,  the  Dogra 
readily  promising  to  abstain  from  further  interference  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Punjab.  A  British  force  was  retained  at 
Lahore,  and  Henry  Lawrence  ruled  the  land  in  the  name 
of  Dhulip  Singh,  and  put  forth  his  full  powers  in  the 
attempt  to  establish  a  strong  and  friendly  native  rule. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

(1846-1847) 

THE    LAWRENCES    AND    THEIR    PUNJABIS 

Henry  becomes  the  "  Ruling  Spirit  of  the  Punjab  " — His  "  Disciples  " 
— The  Lahore  Residency — John  administers  the  Jalandar 
Doab — Female  Infanticide — John's  Subordinates — Sikh  In- 
trigues— Banishment  of  the  Maharani. 

A  harder  task  than  that  now  given  to  Henry  Lawrence 
would  be  difficult  to  conceive.  Since  the  death  of  Ranjit 
Singh  the  twenty  millions  of  Punjabis  had  had  no  master, 
and  anarchy  had  prevailed  from  the  Sutlej  to  the  Indus. 
"  Woe  to  that  land  that's  governed  by  a  child." 

"  No  man,"  said  the  historian  of  the  Sepoy  War,  "  ever 
undertook  a  high  and  important  trust  with  a  more  solemn 
sense  of  his  responsibility,  or  ever,  with  more  singleness 
of  purpose  and  more  steadfast  sincerity  of  heart,  set  himself 
to  work,  with  God's  blessing,  to  turn  a  great  opportunity 
to  great  account  for  the  benefit  of  his  fellows.  In  Henry 
Lawrence  a  pure  transparent  nature,  a  simple  manliness, 
and  truthfulness  of  character  were  combined  with  high 
intellectual  powers  and  personal  energies  which  nothing 
could  easily  subdue." 

He  now  began  to  gather  round  him  the  nucleus  of  the 
famous  Punjabi  brotherhood.  He  was  so  good  a  judge 
of  character,  he  knew  so  well  how  to  make  the  best  of  men, 
that  all  his  assistants  made  their  mark  in  history.  When 
in  Nepal  he  had  been  greatly  interested  in  the  Brahmini 
Bull  articles  in   the  Delhi  Gazette.     Written  by  a  junior 

118 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      i  19 

subaltern,  they  were  declared  by  good  authorities  to  be 
from  the  pen  of  a  soldier  of  long  service  and  varied  experi- 
ence in  the  field.  Henry  Lawrence  was  convinced  that, 
in  addition  to  ability,  the  author  had  the  right  spirit, 
and  Herbert  Edwardes  became  his  private  secretary. 
He  remembered 1  the  boy-hero  of  Ghazni,  and  before  long 
John  Nicholson  was  on  the  frontier;  and  one  by  one  the 
others  took  their  places  by  his  side,  his  brothers  George 
and  John,  Lieutenants  Becher,  Lake,  Lumsden,  and 
Reynell  Taylor,  and  Captain  Abbott2 — "  Uncle  "  Abbott 
whom  Lawrence  termed  "  a  true  knight-errant,  gentle  as 
a  girl  in  thought  and  word  and  deed,"  who  subdued  by 
kindness  the  wild  hillmen  of  Hazara  whom  the  Sikhs  had 
never  been  able  to  control. 

He  took  their  measure  and  sent  them  forth,  one  as  ruler 
over  five  cities,  another  over  ten,  and  his  instructions 
were:  "Settle  the  country;  make  the  people  happy; 
and  take  care  there  are  no  rows;"  and,  having  tested 
them,  he  gave  them  responsibility.  They  were  not 
hampered  by  red  tape;  he  knew  that  his  men  were  good, 
and  that  responsibility  would  therefore  call  forth  their 
highest  efforts.  His  disciples  learned  to  stand  alone, 
fearing  no  responsibility,  acting  on  their  own  initiative  and 
adapting   themselves   to   diverse   conditions.     There   were 

1  "  Indeed,  it  was  a  well-known  custom  of  Henry  Lawrence  to 
keep  notes  of  the  names  of  promising  men.  When  at  messes  or 
assemblies,  where  the  merits  of  officers  were  discussed,  he  would 
take  out  his  note-book  and  forthwith  make  entries  of  men  described 
by  their  comrades  as  good  and  true." — Lumsden  of  the  Guides,  pp. 
19-20. 

2  Colonel  Sir  Robert  Warburton  has  told  how,  in  1897,  near 
Murri,  "  two  very  old  men  were  walking  ahead  of  me,  and  hearing 
the  name  of  Abbott  repeated  time  after  time,  curiosity  induced  me 
to  join  in  their  conversation.  .  .  .  To  my  inquiries  they  both  said, 
'  Abbott  Sahib  was  loved  in  the  district,  and  the  old  people  rever- 
ence his  memory  even  now.'  The  elder  of  the  Hazaras  then  spoke 
of  his  own  accord:  '  Abbott  Sahib's  heart  was  like  a  fakir's;  he- 
was  always  thinking  of  and  for  his  people.'  " — Eighteen  Years  in 
the  Khyber,  pp.  316-317. 


120         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

too  many  Governors-General  and  Commanders-in-Chief 
iii  the  Punjab,  thought  Lord  Hardinge's  successor;  but 
when,  at  a  later  period,  most  Englishmen  in  India  lost  their 
heads  for  a  time,  the  Punjabis  were  found  cool  and  re- 
sourceful. Hodson,  the  cavalry  leader,  has  given  some 
idea  of  the  duties  that  might  fall  to  the  lot  of  a  mere 
ensign  under  Henry  Lawrence.1  "  I  am  daily  and  all  day 
at  work  with  compasses  and  chain,  pen  and  pencil,  follow- 
ing streams,  diving  into  valleys,  burrowing  into  hills,  to 
complete  my  work.  I  need  hardly  remark  that  having 
never  attempted  anything  of  the  kind,  it  is  bothering  at 
first.  I  should  not  be  surprised  any  day  to  be  told  to 
build  a  ship,  compose  a  code  of  laws,  or  hold  assizes." 

"  It  was  a  wonderfully  real  and  happy  life  in  those  early 
days  of  the  Old  Residency  at  Lahore,"  wrote  Lady 
Edwardes.2  "  Here  was  a  band  of  strong  and  young  and 
earnest  men,  all  bent  on  doing  good,  with  their  minds 
clear  and  strong,  and  full  of  hope,  and  at  their  head  was 
Henry  Lawrence,  a  giant  in  the  battle  of  life,  fighting 
against  evil  and  wrong,  and  guiding  all,  and  quickening 
into  life  and  usefulness  all  bright  thoughts  and  schemes 
that  came  to  any  of  that  earnest  band  of  friends. 

"  And  among  them  a  few,  fair,  gentle  women,  wives  and 
sisters — very  few.  But  the  ministering  angel  of  them 
all  was  Honoria  Lawrence,  the  brave  and  noble  wife  of 
Henry  Lawrence,  who  was  ever  the  inspiring  genius  of  her 
husband's  higher  life,  the  glad  sharer  of  his  every  thought, 
and  the  softening  and  refining  element  that  glided  through 
and  pervaded  that  '  Old  Residency,'  and  gave  a  charm 
to  the  wildness  and  roughness  of  this  frontier  life  to  all  its 
inmates.  For  hers  was  a  mind  that  loved  the  wildness, 
and  rejoiced  in  the  unconventionality  of  the  life ;  and  her 
room  was  the  natural  rallying-point  of  all  the   wit   and 

1  A  Leader  of  Light  Horse,  p.  24. 

*  Memorials  of  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes. 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      i  2  1 

talent  that  was  among  them — and  there  was  no  lack  of 
that." 

"  Henry  Lawrence  had  suddenly  become  the  ruling  spirit 
of  the  Punjab,"  said  Abbott  after  his  hero's  death,  "  but 
he  remained  for  his  friends  the  same  simple-minded, 
hearty  Pat  Lawrence  of  former  years." 

It  was  the  chance  for  which  Henry  Lawrence  had  lived, 
and  he  set  to  work  to  re-organise  his  vast  kingdom,  and 
tried  hard  to  impress  the  influential  sirdars  with  a  sense 
of  responsibility  and  duty  towards  the  state  and  towards 
the  common  people,  and,  disheartening  as  was  the  apparent 
failure,  he  never  slackened  his  efforts  to  persuade  them 
to  subordinate  their  own  interests  and  ambitions  to  the 
service  of  the  fatherland.  Most  delicate  of  all  his  dealings 
were  those  that  had  to  do  with  the  reputed  queen-mother, 
one  of  those  clever  and  unscrupulous  Hindu  women,  who 
have  wrought  such  harm  in  native  states.  One  eye  had, 
moreover,  to  be  kept  on  his  friend  Gulab  Singh  at  Jammu, 
whose  aim  was  to  keep  the  English  too  busy  at  Lahore  to 
be  able  to  pay  much  heed  to  his  doings. 

"  Henry  Lawrence,  indeed,  was  wholly  without  guile," 
wrote  Sir  John  Kaye.1  What  chance  then  could  his  open 
nature  and  straight  dealing  have  when  pitted  against  those 
past-masters  in  the  art  of  intrigue,  the  maharani  and  Lai 
Singh,  her  lover  and  confidential  minister!  They,  who 
tried  to  thwart  him,  soon  found  out. 

"  In  India,"  said  Sir  John  Kaye,2  "...  our  greatest 
successes  have  been  achieved  by  men  incapable  of  deceit, 
and  by  means  which  have  invited  scrutiny.  When  we 
have  opposed  craft  to  craft,  and  have  sought  to  out- 
juggle  our  opponents,  the  end  has  been  commonly 
disastrous.  It  is  only  by  consummate  honesty  and  trans- 
parent truthfulness  that  the  Tallyrands  of  the  East  have 
been  beaten  by  such  mere  children  in  the  world's  ways 

1  The  Sepoy  Way,  vol.  i.  p.  9.  2  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  8. 


122         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

as  Mounts tuart  Elphinstone,  Charles  Metcalfe,  James 
Outram,  and  Henry  Lawrence." 

Twenty-six  years  had  passed  since  John  Lawrence,  a 
boy  of  eight,  had  followed  his  brother,  "  a  bony  muscular 
fellow  "  of  fourteen,  to  watch  him  fight  the  bully  of  the 
school.  "  Who  is  to  be  your  second?  "  John  had  asked. 
"  You,  if  you  like,"  Henry  had  replied.  And  now,  in  the 
year  1846,  John  was  again  to  be  his  brother's  second. 
While  Henry  was  to  be  chief  ruler,  John  was  to  govern 
a  province. 

The  Governor-General  of  India  had  faith  in  the  Law- 
rence brothers,  so  much  so  that  some  alleged  that  he 
was  under  Henry's  thumb.  A  ruler  was  wanted  for  the 
Jalandar  Doab,  and  once  more  Lord  Hardinge  bethought 
himself  of  the  magistrate  of  Delhi.  So  he  wrote  to 
Mr.  Thomason,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  North-West 
Provinces,  asking  him  to  send  up  John  Lawrence.  The 
great  administrator  took  upon  himself  to  send  another 
officer — one  whose  capability  he  guaranteed.  Not  that 
Mr.  Thomason  had  doubts  with  respect  to  Lawrence's 
fitness  for  the  post ;  his  disobedience  was  indeed  a  tribute, 
for  he  did  not  relish  the  idea  of  losing  him.  The  capable 
officer  was  promptly  sent  back. 

"  Send  me  John  Lawrence!  "  came  the  order,  curt  and 
not  to  be  misconstrued,  and,  at  the  age  of  thirty-four, 
John  Lawrence  was  promoted  over  the  heads  of  his  seniors 
to  govern  the  newly-annexed  Doab  and  the  Hill  States 
taken  from  the  Sikhs. 

The  Jalandar  Doab  is  the  north-eastern  tract  of  the 
Punjab,  between  the  Beas  and  Sutlej  rivers,  a  country 
fertile  and  well  peopled.  For  some  weeks  he  was  practi- 
cally single-handed,  none  of  his  four  assistants  having  been 
able  straightway  to  quit  his  post.  Therefore  we  learn 
without  any  amazement  that  he  looked  back  upon  this 
time  as  one  of  the  busiest  of  his  hard-worked  life. 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      123 

One  of  his  earliest  reforms  was  the  substitution  of  a 
money  payment  of  the  land-tax  in  place  of  the  time- 
honoured  payment  in  kind.  Taxation  was  thereby 
reduced  by  10  or  even  20  per  cent.,  but  the  natives 
were  not  easily  convinced  of  the  advantage,  and  the  change 
was  opposed  until  they  saw  that  nothing  would  be  gained 
by  grumbling.  Though  "  East  is  East  and  West  is  West," 
the  Englishman  is  akin  to  the  J  at. 

He  next  resolved  to  check  the  murder  of  female  infants, 
a  practice  all  too  common  in  his  district.  The  difficulty 
in  dealing  with  this  class  of  crime  was  greater  than  would 
appear  at  first  sight.  An  epidemic  of  murder  and  outrage 
of  the  commonplace  type  could  be  much  more  easily 
stamped  out,  even  by  an  alien  ruler  if  strong  and  backed 
by  force.  In  such  a  case  the  criminals  would  get  little 
sympathy  from  the  better-disposed  of  their  countrymen, 
by  whom  indeed  the  success  of  him  who  stood  for  good 
government  would  be  welcomed.  The  suppressor  of  crime 
could  have  no  pity  for  the  murderers,  or,  at  least,  sympathy 
for  the  misguided  men  would  never  cause  him  to  hesitate 
in  the  execution  of  his  duty,  nor  could  the  sufferer  pose  as 
a  martyr  in  a  people's  cause.  But  among  high-caste 
Hindus  female  infanticide  could  not  be  classed  as  a  crime 
in  the  ordinary  sense.  The  custom  was  due,  not  to  a 
vicious  and  callous  nature,  but  to  that  caste-pride  to  which 
so  many  of  India's  woes  must  be  ascribed.  A  Rajput  dare 
not  bestow  his  daughter  upon  an  inferior  in  caste,  nor 
upon  a  member  of  the  same  clan  or  tribe,  and  the  chances 
of  marriage  are  thus  restricted.  Even  where  there  might 
be  little  difficulty  in  finding  a  husband  the  expense  to 
which  a  Rajput  is  put  by  the  celebration  of  a  daughter's 
nuptials  is  often  ruinous.  As  an  unmarried  girl  is  supposed 
to  bring  dishonour  upon  her  father's  house — the  mother 
being  her  most  bitter  upbraider — Rajput  parents  consider 
that  the  death  of  the  infant  is  the  sure  precaution  against 


i  24         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

disgrace  or  ruin  for  themselves,  or  a  life  of  misery  for  the 
daughter. 

To  a  Hindu  the  custom  appears  natural  and  praiseworthy, 
and  though  Larens  Sahib  was  a  just  and  wise  Hakim,  who 
evidently  wished  them  well,  in  this  matter  he  was  clearly 
ignorant  and  irrational.  So  the  commissioner  could  not 
look  for  help  even  from  the  most  friendly  of  his  subjects, 
unable  as  they  were  to  appreciate  his  point  of  view,  and  the 
greybeards  argued  that  in  this  matter  they  must  surely 
know  better  than  the  young  sahib  from  a  far-off  country 
where  unclean  and  unspeakable  customs  prevail.  On 
his  part,  John  Lawrence  could  not  place  on  a  level  with  the 
budmash,  who  had  cut  a  throat  for  gain,  the  manly  Rajput 
who  had  sacrificed  his  daughter  for  what  he  considered 
the  good  of  his  family  and  of  the  victim  herself.  He  did 
not,  however,  sit  down  to  meditate  upon  the  injustice  of 
punishing  a  parent  who,  with  none  but  the  best  of  inten- 
tions and  without  suggestion  of  sin,  had  allowed  his  child 
to  die.  It  was  for  him  to  check  the  practice,  and  that 
by  force,  and  a  few  must  suffer  for  the  state.  Persuasion 
would  be  useless ;  argument  in  vain.  How  could  he 
reason  with  them,  he  looking  at  the  obverse  side  of  the 
shield,  they  at  the  reverse  ? 

A  petition,  imploring  him  to  refrain  from  interference 
with  the  workings  of  their  conscience,  was  presented  by  the 
Bedis  (a  Levitical  caste  of  the  Sikhs).  John  Lawrence 
summoned  their  elders  and  ordered  the  chief  priest  and  head 
of  the  clan  to  issue  a  proclamation  forbidding  the  Bedis 
to  slay  their  children.  The  old  man  replied  that  all  he 
possessed  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  sahib,  but  comply  he 
could  not.  "  Obey,  or  give  up  your  lands,"  was  the 
commissioner's  alternative,  and  the  chief  of  the  Bedis 
chose  the  latter  course,  although  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Bedis 
publicly  to  read  and  expound  the  Granth  (the  Sikh  Bible), 
which  not  only  forbids  female  infanticide  but  even  com- 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      125 

mands  true  Sikhs  to  abstain  from  all  intercourse  with 
those  who  kill  their  daughters. 

In  later  days  the  grim  but  humour-loving  viceroy,  in  a 
household  blessed  by  numerous  daughters,  was  heard  to 
chuckle,  "Ah!  those  Bedis  were  not  such  bad  fellows 
after  all;  the  only  thing  that  I  am  disposed  to  regret  in 
my  Indian  administration  is  that  I  was  so  hard  upon  them 
in  the  matter  of  female  infanticide."  l 

Among  his  assistants  at  this  time  were  Robert  Cust, 
Hercules  Scott,  Edward  Lake  of  the  Bengal  Engineers, 
and  Harry  Lumsden,  the  first  commandant  of  the  Guides, 
They  have  placed  on  record  their  opinions  of  their  chief, 
his  abundant  energy,  his  readiness  to  help  the  juniors 
however  busy  he  might  be,  his  ability  to  get  work  out 
of  others,  and  his  contempt  for  "  drones  and  shirks." 
Though  a  hard  taskmaster  he  was  always  most  hard  upon 
himself,  and  if  he  blamed  freely  he  was  not  chary  of  praise. 
With  this  difference — and  here  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  the 
man — he  preferred  to  blame  a  man  to  his  face  and  praise 
him  behind  his  back.  Henry  dealt  out  praise  and  blame 
alike  in  the  presence  of  whosoever  deserved  the  one  or  the 
other,  and,  despite  his  fiery  and  touchy  temperament,  he 
was  loved  with  a  devotion  rarely  accorded  to  an}-'  great 
man  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

John  appreciated  the  good  work  of  his  more  capable 
assistants  even  if  he  did  not  tell  them  as  much.  Here, 
however,  in  a  note  to  his  brother  and  chief,  is  an  example 

of  his  scorn  for  inferior  work.     "  I  had  to  send  all 's 

reports  back,  they  are  so  badly  done.  He  is  a  rara  avis 
and  says  his  work  is  killing  him.  A  very  innocent  murder 
it  would  be!  "  2 

"  I  held  him  in  great  awe  at  first,"  said  Mr.  Hercules 
Scott,  "  a  feeling  which  was  intensified  by  his  strict 
oversight  of  all  the  proceedings  of  his  subordinates,  and 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  1S0.  2  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  180. 

I 


126         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

by  a  certain  ruggedness  of  manner  and  exterior,  under 
which,  as  I  afterwards  found,  the  warmest  and  kindliest 
of  hearts  lay  concealed.  My  work  must  have  bristled 
with  irregularities  and  blunders,  which  were  duly  cauterised, 
but  he  made  allowance  for  the  unequal  combat  which, 
as  a  young  hand,  I  had  endeavoured  to  maintain,  and 
reported  very  kindly  of  me  to  Government.  .  .  .  The 
awe  with  which  he  had  inspired  me  soon  wore  off,  and  our 
acquaintance  ripened  into  a  thorough  confidence  and 
attachment.  Pressing  as  were  his  own  engagements,  it 
was  never  the  wrong  time  to  apply  to  him  for  advice  or 
guidance  in  carrying  out  one's  duties."  x 

Mr.  Cust  has  described  his  master's  interviews  with  the 
native  land-holders  when  arranging  terms  for  the  new 
cash  settlement.  2"  John  Lawrence  was  full  of  energy — 
his  coat  off,  his  sleeves  turned  up  above  his  elbows — and 
was  impressing  upon  his  subjects  his  principles  of  a  just 
state  demand,  and  their  first  elementary  ideas  of  natural 
equity;  for,  as  each  man  touched  the  pen,  the  unlettered 
token  of  agreement  to  their  leases,  he  made  them  repeat 
aloud  the  new  trilogue  of  the  English  Government : 
'  Thou  shalt  not  burn  thy  widow ;  thou  shalt  not  kill  thy 
daughters ;  thou  shalt  not  bury  alive  thy  lepers ;  '  and  old 
greybeards,  in  the  families  of  some  of  whom  there  was  not 
a  single  widow,  or  a  female  blood-relative,  went  away 
chanting  the  dogmas  of  the  new  Moses,  which,  next  year, 
were  sternly  enforced." 

Another  assistant,  Mr.  Lewin  Bowring,  states  that, 
"  John  Lawrence  was  very  brusque  of  speech  in  those 
early  days.  .  .  .  He  used,  with  a  merry  twinkle  of  his  eye, 
to  say  very  sharp  things  to  the  Punjab  chiefs,  under  which 
they  winced,  although  he  was  half  in  fun.  He  certainly 
had  what  is  called  a  rough  tongue  then,  and  the  sirdars 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  172. 

2  Pictures  of  Indian  Life,  pp.  245-246. 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      127 

had  a  wholesome  dread  of  him.  ...  He  was  a  far  abler 
man  at  details  than  his  brother,  though  less  considerate, 
perhaps,  towards  the  Sikh  chiefs.  .  .  .  The  durbar, 
though  they  had  a  great  respect  for  his  force  of  character, 
did  not  regard  him  with  as  much  affection  as  they  did  his 
brother."  x  Mr.  Bo  wring  adds  that,  "  in  spite  of  his  curt- 
ness  of  speech,"  he  was  most  popular  with  his  assistants. 

The  spirit  in  which  he  buckled  to  his  work  in  the 
Jalandar  Doab  is  best  expressed  in  a  sentence  from  one  of 
his  letters  to  Sir  Frederick  Currie.2  "  It  is  a  new  country 
.  .  .  and  I  want  to  put  my  stamp  on  it,  that  in  after 
times  people  may  look  back  and  recall  my  Raj  with 
satisfaction." 

He  did  put  his  stamp  on  it,  and  on  India. 

Though  the  peasants  of  the  Trans-Sutlej  Hill  States 
were  not  sorry  to  be  freed  from  Sikh  oppression,  the 
soldiers  holding  Kangra  Fort  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  change  of  rulers.  This  famous  rock  fortress  had  the 
reputation  of  impregnability,  and  had  been  the  object 
of  innumerable  sieges  during  its  ten  centuries  of  existence. 
The  late  maharaja  had  won  it  by  stealth,  and  had  left 
there  a  garrison  of  three  hundred  Sikhs,  who  now  declared 
that  they  would  hand  the  keys  to  Ran  jit  Singh  if  he  should 
come  for  them,  but  to  no  lesser  person.  However  worthy 
of  admiration  such  steadfastness  might  be  considered, 
defiance  could  not  be  tolerated;  if  allowed  to  pass,  the 
example  would  assuredly  be  followed  by  other  garrisons, 
and  a  loss  of  prestige  would  affect  adversely  the  Lawrence 
influence  for  good.  A  further  argument  urged  Henry  to 
resort  to  strong  measures.  He  had  reason  to  believe  that 
the  maharani  and  Lai  Singh  were  secretly  encouraging 
the  Kangra  garrison  to  resist,  whilst  publicly  denouncing 
them  as  traitors  to  Lahore.     A  success  scored  by  the  anti- 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  210-21 1. 
a  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  198. 


128         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

British  party  in  the  durbar  would  be  fatal  to  the  good 
government  of  the  Punjab. 

The  Resident  set  out  from  Lahore  at  the  head  of  a  Sikh 
force,  and  was  joined  by  his  brother  and  Lieutenant 
Lumsden  with  the  local  troops.  Swiftness  was  necessary. 
The  Punjab  was  a  powder-magazine,  and  a  spark  from 
Kangra  might  suffice  to  explode  it.  The  foemen  were  not 
under-rated;  there  was  no  scornful  move  against  Kangra 
with  an  inadequate  and  ill-equipped  force,  and  a  consequent 
delay  until  big  guns  and  further  supplies  should  arrive. 
The  Lawrences  demanded  siege-guns  and  got  them.  The 
Sikhs  on  both  sides,  besieged  and  besiegers,  laughed  at  the 
idea  of  heavy  guns  being  brought  along  their  goat-tracks. 
But  the  Commissioner  of  the  Jalandar  Doab  invited  the 
officers  of  the  garrison  to  his  camp  and,  when  they  persisted 
in  their  refusal  to  surrender,  he  asked  them  to  stay  the 
night  and  witness  the  arrival  of  the  elephant  guns.  Con- 
vinced that  he  was  bluffing  them  they  agreed  to  remain. 
Early  next  morning  they  were  aroused  by  the  sound  of 
cheers  in  time  to  see  the  guns  arrive,  each  drawn  by  three 
elephants  and  helped  round  the  sharp  bends  of  the  pre- 
cipitous paths  by  scores  of  sepoys.  Without  a  word  the 
Sikh  chieftains  returned  to  their  fort  and  the  white  flag 
presently  signalled  their  submission.  Not  a  drop  of  blood 
spilled,  and  a  great  result  achieved. 

The  surrender  of  Kangra  was  a  blow  to  the  English- 
hating  maharani,  who  soon  cast  about  for  fresh  means 
to  embarrass  her  supervisor  and  inflame  the  passions  of 
the  subjects  of  her  son.  She  had  not  to  look  far.  The 
entry  of  Gulab  Singh  into  his  kingdom  of  Kashmir  supplied 
the  pretext,  and  Lai  Singh,  the  chief  minister,  and  the 
Sheik  Imam-ud-din,  Governor  of  Kashmir,  were  her  agents. 

The  Sikh  durbar  had  ordered  Imam-ud-din  to  hand 
over  his  charge  to  Gulab,  but  Lai  Singh  intimated  privately 
that  the  command  need  not  be  taken  seriously.     Imam- 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      129 

ud-din,  "  the  best-dressed  and  best-mannered  man  in  the 
Punjab,"  was  debating  whether  to  play  entirely  for  his 
own  hand  and  strike  for  the  sovereignty  of  Kashmir,  or  to 
accept  the  maharani's  bribe  and  oppose  the  entry  of  Gulab 
Singh  on  her  behalf.  He  resolved  in  any  case  to  fight 
the  Dogra  chief,  and,  doing  so,  he  gained  the  advantage. 
This  brought  Henry  Lawrence  on  the  scene. 

For  the  credit  of  the  Sikh  Government  Gulab  Singh 
must  be  promptly  supported,  and  he  ordered  the  durbar 
to  furnish  troops  to  quell  the  insurrection  of  their  servant 
in  Kashmir.  They  did  their  utmost  to  put  him  off,  to 
make  difficulties,  to  delay  operations.  Gulab  Singh  argued 
that  the  army  should  be  sent  by  a  certain  route;  Lai 
Singh  objected  and,  with  sublime  effrontery,  suggested 
that  Gulab  Singh,  being  no  longer  a  member  of  the  Lahore 
durbar,  was  courting  disaster  and  disgrace  for  the  Sikh 
troops  by  choosing  the  most  perilous  route.  Gulab  Singh 
was  quite  equal  to  strategy  of  this  nature,  but  hardly  when 
his  own  interests  were  bound  up  with  the  success  of  the 
undertaking. 

The  Sikh  soldiers  were  unwilling  to  fight  for  any  cause 
favoured  by  the  English,  and  the  eyes  of  their  generals 
looked  up  to  the  hand  of  the  maharani.  But  the  feebler 
wills  bent  before  the  strong  one;  intrigue  and  cunning 
succumbed  to  resolution,  and  within  a  few  weeks  Henry 
had  entered  Kashmir  at  the  head  of  a  dozen  Sikh  regiments, 
mobilised  by  John,  the  civilian,  and  Imam-ud-din  had 
surrendered  to  Herbert  Edwardes. 

This  feat  deserves  to  be  studied.  It  may  be  passed 
over  too  lightly  now  that  the  employment  of  Sikh  troops 
under  British  officers  seems  a  proceeding  most  natural,  for 
the  Sikh  warrior  of  that  day  had  enjoyed  many  privileges  as 
a  member  of  the  Khalsa  brotherhood,  including  immunity 
from  taxation  and  both  the  right  and  opportunity  to  harass 
the  weak,  and  he  was  embittered  by  the  loss  of  these. 


130         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

It  forms  one  of  the  most  striking  examples  of  moral  force 
in  the  history  of  India,  and  the  credit  was  shared  by  the 
brothers,  for  John  was  Acting-Resident  when  Imam-ud- 
din  showed  his  hand,  Henry  being  then  at  Simla.  The 
sheik  commanded  a  strong  force  and  he  held  possession. 
The  ten  thousand  Sikh  troops,  who  went  out  against  him, 
wished  him  success,  as  did  their  officers  and  the  sirdars  at 
Lahore.  Officers  and  sepoys  had  recently  been  fighting 
against  the  British  and  they  hated  the  Feringhis,  and 
instead  of  being  cowed  by  defeat  they  were  "  spoiling  " 
for  another  fight.  There  were  innumerable  Oriental 
excuses  for  delaying  operations,  yet  so  great  was  the  force 
of  character  and  the  ikbal  (prestige)  of  Henry  Lawrence — 
absolutely  at  the  mercy  of  the  fierce  Khalsa  soldiery — 
that  everything  happened  as  he  had  planned. 

He  himself  described  the  affair  as  "  a  ticklish  occasion," 
and  divulged  the  fact  that  he  had  sent  private  word  to 
Lai  Singh,  warning  that  Hindu  Rizzio  that,  should  any 
mishap  befall  the  Resident,  Jan  Larens  had  orders  to  clap 
him  into  prison.  Lai  Singh  knew  his  men.  He  had 
sought  to  dazzle  the  Englishmen  by  lavish  displays  of 
hospitality,  and,  seeing  how  completely  he  had  failed,  he 
cursed  these  pestilent  Lawrence  brothers,  each  of  whom 
seemed  in  turn  more  wide-awake  than  the  other.  But 
it  was  checkmate. 

So  Gulab  Singh  became  a  king  and  swore  to  his  patron 
that  he  would  discourage  infanticide  and  suttee.  Imam- 
ud-din  turned  "  king's  evidence  "  and  brought  forth  the 
secret  instructions  in  which  Lai  Singh  and  the  maharani 
had  commanded  him  to  resist.  Lai  Singh  fell  from  his  high 
estate  and  there  was  no  eruption  in  Lahore,  not  a  brick 
thrown,  not  a  shop  closed. 

Lai  Singh  was  tried  and  condemned  by  his  colleagues 
of  the  Lahore  durbar,  the  two  Lawrences  and  three  other 
British  officers  being  present.     Another  question  of  im- 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      i  3  1 

portance  was  discussed  by  the  Council,  namely,  the  near 
approach  of  the  date  fixed  for  the  withdrawal  of  British 
troops.  The  disciples  of  Govind  hated  the  foreigner  and 
his  unclean  ways.  The  Singh  is  proud  and  somewhat 
sullen ;  he  does  not  make  friends  easily  as  does  that  genial 
and  faithful  barbarian  "  Johnny  Gurkha,"  and  as  does 
also  Mohammed  Khan,  the  Pathan — who  may  even 
cherish  a  fondness  for  the  man  he  is  plotting  to  murder  for 
the  sake  of  his  rifle.  But,  like  or  dislike,  the  sirdars  were 
sage  enough  to  see  that  the  only  chance  for  the  state  lay 
in  the  presence  of  a  British  force  and  that  anarchy  would 
follow  a  withdrawal.  Moreover,  some  of  these  Lahore 
councillors  did  feel  real  respect  and  esteem  for  Henry 
Lawrence,  and  they  all  trusted  him.  The  full  durbar 
of  fifty-one  Sikh  chiefs  unanimously  asked  that  the  Indian 
troops  might  be  allowed  to  remain,  and  agreed  to  pay  all 
expenses,  and  in  accordance  with  their  desire  Colonel1 
Lawrence  became  Protector,  and  practically  Despot,  of  the 
Punjab.  In  the  wording  of  the  treaty,  "  these  terms  give 
the  British  Resident  unlimited  authority  in  all  matters  of 
internal  administration  and  external  relation  during  the 
Maharaja's  minority." 

There  was  now  "  a  triumvirate  of  Lawrences  "  in  the 
Punjab,  Lord  Hardinge  having  given  Major  George  Law- 
rence the  charge  of  the  Peshawar  frontier,  a  post  under 
Henry.  Being  a  true  Lawrence  the  elder  brother  was  not 
envious.  "  It  was  very  gratifying  to  me,"2  he  wrote  to 
Henry's  wife  in  England,  "  to  see  the  high  estimation  in 
which  he  is  evidently  held  by  the  chiefs,  and,  indeed,  by 
all  parties.  I  have  never  yet  heard  one  dissenting  voice 
as  to  his  being  the  very  man  for  his  present  berth  .  .  . 
and  could  not  have  believed  that  one  short  year  would  have 
done   so   much.     The   officers   freely   admit   that   it   was 

1  Promoted  in  June  1846. 

2  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  91. 


132         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

entirely  due  to  Henry's  energy  and  promptitude  in  repair- 
ing in  person  to  Cashmere  that  matters  there  were  brought 
to  an  amicable  adjustment." 

Lai  Singh  had  been  put  out  of  harm's  way,  but  they  were 
not  yet  rid  of  the  maharani.  In  spite  of  the  anxiety 
caused  by  her  intrigues  Colonel  Lawrence  was  able  to  write 
to  Sir  Frederick  Currie,  the  Secretary  to  Government,  in 
June  1847,  that.  "  With  the  experience  of  fourteen  months, 
I  can  certify  to  this  people  having  settled  down  in  a  manner 
that  could  never  have  been  hoped  of  them."  At  the  same 
time  he  sounded  a  warning  note  against  over-confidence. 
The  Sikhs  had  lost  neither  their  pride  of  race  nor  their 
fanaticism,  and  were  by  no  means  convinced  of  the  hope- 
lessness of  a  further  trial  of  strength. 

John  had  already  borne  testimony  to  the  substantial 
progress  made  in  a  letter  from  Lahore  to  his  brother.1 
"  I  don't  think  I  ever  knew  the  sepoys  [Sikh]  so  well- 
behaved.  .  .  .  The  opinion  of  us  as  rulers  is  greatly 
changed.  The  only  evil  is  that  when  we  get  a  country 
things  go  smoothly,2  for  the  people  see  the  benefit  of  the 
change,  and  are  satisfied.  But  as  they  die  off,  or  forget  the 
olden  days  of  trouble  and  misrule,  they  feel  slight  twitches 
from  our  shoe  pinching,  and  get  discontented." 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  189. 

-  The  confidence  of  the  natives  of  the  Punjab  in  the  English 
standard  of  honour  may  be  illustrated  by  a  story  from  Sir  W.  Lee 
Warner's  Life  of  the  Marquis  of  Dalhonsie  (vol.  i.  p.  353).  Fateh 
Khan  Towana,  a  Mohammedan  chieftain,  expressed  to  John 
Lawrence  his  surprise  that  so  much  fuss  should  be  made  over  such 
a  man  as  Lai  Singh.  "  '  If  you  want  him  out  of  the  way,'  said  he, 
'  I  know  a  much  shorter  plan.  Just  say  the  word  and  '  (half- 
drawing  his  dagger)  '  I'll  manage  it  all  for  you.'  Lawrence  shook 
his  head  and  the  conversation  continued.  Presently  Lawrence 
put  out  his  hand  and  drew  Fateh  Khan's  dagger  slowly  out  of  its 
sheath.  The  chief  took  no  notice,  but  went  on  talking.  Lawrence 
then  said  to  him,  "  How  is  it  that  you  who  are  so  suspicious  of 
anybody,  allow  me  to  extract  your  dagger  from  your  belt  without 
taking  any  notice  of  it?  '  '  Oh,'  he  replied,  '  I  know  quite  well 
that  that  is  not  the  way  the  English  fight.  I  would  not  have  let 
a  Sikh  or  any  one  else  do  it  as  quietly.'  " 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      133 

In  another  letter  John,  now  Acting- Resident,  introduces 
an  actor  upon  whose  performances  all  eyes  were  shortly 
to  be  concentrated.  He  was  Mulraj,1  Governor  of  Multan, 
the  south-west  province  of  the  Punjab,  a  man  who  had 
been  hand-in-glove  with  the  queen-mother,  and  who  had 
made  the  mistake  of  offering  John  Lawrence  a  bribe. '- 
"  I  told  him  that  Sahibs  never  took  bribes  or  presents. 
This  appeared  to  surprise  him ;  and  he  asked  me  rather 
pointedly  if  none  of  us  did  so.  I  said,  '  Not  one  in  a 
hundred,  and  that  one  is  not  worth  bribing;  for,  depend 
on  it,  he  has  neither  influence  nor  character.'  He  seemed 
puzzled  a  good  deal,  and  told  me  that  he  had  hitherto  had 
little  to  do  with  us,  and  that  for  the  future  he  was  our  fast 
friend,  and  ready  to  do  our  bidding." 

Possibly  Mulraj  meant  it  at  the  time — and  he  certainly 
gave  us  the  Punjab. 

Junda  Khore,  the  maharani,  was  a  daughter  of  a  trooper 
in  the  service  of  Ranjit  Singh.  As  a  dancing  girl  she  had 
captivated  the  conqueror,  but  there  is  little  ground  for 
the  belief  that  Ranjit  Singh  was  the  father  of  Dhulip  Singh, 
and  it  is  even  doubtful  if  she  was  his  mother.  By  un- 
scrupulous cunning  she  had  made  her  recognition  as 
queen-mother  a  necessity  to  the  leading  Sikh  sirdars, 
and  the  boy  was  necessary  to  the  furtherance  of  her 
intrigues. 

1  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  folk  who  played  the  most  prominent 
roles  upon  the  Sikh  stage  at  this  period  were  rarely  Sikhs,  who  are 
too  slow  of  wit  to  match  the  Brahmans  or  Mussulmans  in  intrigue. 
The  maharani  was  a  Hindu  nautch-girl,  Lai  Singh  and  his  successor 
Tej  Singh  were  Brahmans,  Mulraj  was  a  Khatri,  Gulab  Singh  a 
Dogra,  and  Imam-ud-din  a  Mussulman.  After  the  death  of  Ranjit 
Singh  the  inability  of  the  durbar  to  control  the  turbulent  Khalsa 
was  quickly  made  plain.  The  maharani  and  many  of  the  sirdars 
saw  that  they  were  in  danger  of  being  crushed  by  it;  and  it  is 
practically  certain  that  they  deliberately  incited  the  army  to 
invade  British  territory — knowing  what  the  end  must  be — in  order 
to  direct  its  attention  away  from  their  hoards. 

2  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  193. 


134         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

With  or  without  the  support  of  Mulraj  she  would  not 
desist  from  her  attempts  to  fan  the  smouldering  fires  into 
flame,  and  when  she  incited  her  son  grossly  and  publicly  to 
insult  Tej  Singh  (the  sirdar  who  had  stepped  into  the  shoes 
of  her  fallen  favourite),  so  grave  an  affront  to  the  chief 
minister  and  to  the  whole  Council  could  not  be  allowed  to 
pass,  and  Henry  Lawrence  judged  that  the  time  for  per- 
suasion and  conciliation  had  gone  by.  He  banished  the 
queen-mother,  granting  her  a  liberal  pension,  and  issued 
"  A  General  Proclamation  for  the  Information  of  the  Chiefs 
of  the  Lahore  Durbar,  the  Priests,  Elders  and  People  of  the 
countries  belonging  to  the  Maharajah  Dhuleep  Singh." 

After  stating  that  the  interest  felt  by  the  Governor- 
General  in  the  welfare  of  the  boy-king  was  that  of  a  father, 
he  proceeded  to  explain  the  need  for  a  separation — because 
of  the  mother's  increasing  intrigues  to  thwart  all  efforts 
for  the  country's  good;  because  "  the  maharajah  is  now 
a  child  and  he  will  grow  up  in  the  way  that  he  is  trained, 
.  .  .  his  mother  would  instil  into  him  her  own  bitter  feel- 
ings of  hostility  to  the  Chiefs;  "  because  "  every  seditious 
intriguer  who  was  displeased  with  the  present  order  of 
things  looked  up  to  the  Queen-Mother  as  the  head  of  the 
State."  Lord  Hardinge  wrote  that  he  "  entirely  approved 
of  the  judicious  terms  in  which  the  proclamation  was 
worded,"  and  added  that,1  "  If  I  have  any  difference  of 
opinion  with  you,  it  consists  in  your  liberality  in  attempting 
at  too  early  a  period  to  train  the  Sikh  authorities  to  walk 
alone ;  I  wish  them  to  feel  and  to  like  our  direct  interfer- 
ence by  the  benefits  conferred." 

The  maharani  was  eventually  conveyed  to  Benares, 
whence  she  escaped  into  Nepal,  and  after  remaining  there 
some  years,  finally  made  her  way  to  her  son's  castle  in 
England,  where  she  died.  Mr.  Batten  (John  Lawrence's 
college  chum)  has  told  a  good  story  with  regard  to  the 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  101. 


The  Lawrences  and  Their  Punjabis      135 

mischief  she  might  have  wrought  during  the  Mutiny  had 
she  been  permitted  to  enter  the  Punjab.  Mr.  Batten  had 
become  acquainted,  as  Commissioner  of  Kumaon,  with 
Jung  Bahadur,  Henry  Lawrence's  Gurkha  friend.  During 
a  conversation  soon  after  the  capture  of  Lucknow  (for  which 
feat  of  arms  the  Gurkha  took  chief  credit,  whilst  recognis- 
ing that  Sir  Colin  Campbell  was  entitled  to  a  share)  Jung 
Bahadur  observed:  "  '  You  see  I  remained  straight  and 
true,  and  that  was  useful  to  your  government  in  very  bad 
times.'  I  said,  '  Suppose  you  had  not  remained  loyal 
what  would  you  have  done?  '  '  Why,'  said  he,  '  I  would 
have  let  down  the  Maharani  of  Lahore  on  Jan  Larens, 
and  then  what  would  England  have  done  ?  '  I  told  this  to 
Sir  John  Lawrence  at  Simla  in  1864,  and  he  said  that  Jung 
overrated  his  power,  but  that  the  Maharani  would  have 
been  an  '  awfully  troublesome  customer  '  in  the  Punjab."1 
That  the  Prime  Minister  of  Nepal  should  consider,  and  that 
John  Lawrence  should  acknowledge  as  possible,  that  this 
woman's  influence  among  the  Sikhs,  even  after  an  absence 
of  ten  years,  might  have  brought  about  a  different  ending 
to  the  Sepoy  War,  proves  how  great  was  the  triumph  of 
Henry  Lawrence  in  removing  her  baneful  influence  without 
outcry  or  excitement. 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  237. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
(1847-1848) 

THE    SECOND    SIKH    WAR 

Henry's  Liberality — Benefits  of  His  Rule — His  Health  breaks 
down,  and  John  officiates  for  Him — Henry  returns  to  England 
— The  Multan  Revolt — Fatal  Delay — Herbert  Edwardes — The 
Punjab  Ablaze. 

Turn  aside  for  a  space  from  affairs  of  state  to  glance  at 
interests  of  a  more  directly  personal  nature.  Henry 
Lawrence,  whose  enfeebled  frame  could  but  ill  support  the 
heat  of  Lahore,  was  compelled  to  pay  occasional  visits  to 
the  life-giving  hills,  and  his  place  at  Lahore  was  then  taken 
by  John.  In  August  1846  he  set  out  with  Lieutenant 
Hodson  to  find  the  most  suitable  site  for  his  asylum,  and 
they  pitched  upon  the  hill  of  Sanawar,  among  the  Hima- 
layan pines  and  deodars.  Hodson,  who  was  greatly 
devoted  to  him,  undertook  the  secretarial  duties  connected 
with  the  asylum,  and  carried  them  through  with  the 
energy  and  skill  for  which  even  the  severest  of  his  critics 
gave  him  credit. 

Interest  in  the  welfare  of  his  pet  project  did  not, 
however,  leave  Henry.  Lawrence  cold  towards  other 
charities.  For  several  years — since  his  increase  of  salary 
on  appointment  to  Nepal — he  had  put  aside  £400  a  year 
for  distribution  by  his  friend  Mr.  Marshman  to  worthy 
institutions    in    the    Calcutta    district.1    The    Lawrences 

1  These  included: — Dr.  McGowan's  Hospital,  the  Fever  Hospital, 
the  Serampore  Native  Hospital,  the  European  Female  Orphan 
Society,  the  Sailors'  Home,  the  District  Charitable  Society,  the 
Benevolent    Institution,    the   Free   Church,    Calcutta,    the   Church 

136 


The  Second  Sikh  War  137 

were  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  but  wherever 
they  happened  to  have  influence  it  was  exercised  on 
behalf  of  missionaries,  without  regard  to  sect  or  race. 
"  Differences  about  bishops  look  very  small  under  the 
shadow  of  an  idol  with  twelve  heads,"  wrote  Sir  Herbert 
Edwardes. 

When  Henry  and  John  were  together  in  Lahore  they 
appear  to  have  lived  under  conditions  that  would  have 
incurred  condemnation  by  a  housing  commission.  Henry, 
the  Patriarch,  shared  a  room  with  the  already-distin- 
guished engineer  who  afterwards  became  Lord  Napier 
of  Magdala ;  John,  his  wife,  three  children,  and  their 
European  servant,  had  two  rooms ;  some  of  the  assistants 
were  as  well  off  as  their  chief,  and  others  must  needs  be 
content  with  a  third  of  a  room — and  this  was  in  the  plains. 
The  candle  lighting  the  room  or  tent  in  which  they  were 
working  was  frequently  stuck  in  the  neck  of  a  bottle, 
and  when  additional  illumination  was  needed  Henry 
observed  that  some  one  must  first  drink  a  bottle  of  beer. 
They  were  then  governing  twenty  millions  of  people  and 
handling  a  revenue  of  some  hundreds  of  lacs  per  annum. 
John  would  work  with  his  "  shirtsleeves  turned  over  his 
arms  and  a  cigar  in  his  mouth,"  and  Henry  was  even  less 
regardful  of  the  conventionalities.  These  were  the  happy 
days  of  Henry  Lawrence. 

More  had  been  accomplished  during  his  supremacy  at 
Lahore  than  could  have  been  hoped  for  by  the  most 
sanguine  student  of  Anglo-Indian  affairs,  and  he  paid  the 
penalty  in  loss  of  health.  A  short  stay  at  Simla  failed  to 
set  him  up,  and  towards  the  close  of  the  year  1847  he 
returned  to  England,  in  the  company  of  his  warm  friend 

Missionary  Society,  the  London  Missionary  Society,  the  Baptist 
Missionary  Society,  the  Serampore  Missionary  Society,  the  Calcutta 
Auxiliary  Bible  Society,  the  Bible  Association,  the  Calcutta  Diocesan 
Clergy  Society. — Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  46-47. 


138         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

and  admirer,   Lord  Hardinge,  whose  term  of  office  had 
expired. 

The  services  he  had  rendered  to  the  people  of  the  Punjab 
included  the  introduction  of  a  simplified  penal  code  suited 
to  the  needs  of  the  country.  He  had  also  convened  a 
council  of  fifty  lambardars  and  zaildars  (heads  of  villages 
and  of  groups  of  villages)  for  the  purpose  of  reducing 
"  the  unwritten  customs  and  morals  of  the  people  to  a 
written  law."  One  of  his  greatest  difficulties  had  been  due 
to  the  complications  involved  in  dealing  with,  and  granting 
redress  for,  outrages  and  robberies  committed  before  the 
Company  had  stepped  in.  It  was  not  easy  to  get  at 
the  rights  of  a  case  of  alleged  murder  or  confiscation  of 
property  that  had  taken  place  some  years  before,  a  case 
arising  from  some  dispute  whose  beginnings  might  per- 
haps be  traced  back  to  the  time  when  Porus  reigned  over 
the  Land  of  the  Five  Rivers.  After  much  thought  the 
Resident  ruled  that  cognisance  should  be  taken  of,  and 
redress  given  for,  acts  committed  during  the  previous 
three  years. 

The  Khalsa  army  had  been  reduced  by  more  than 
60,000  men,  whose  arrears  had  been  paid  up,  much  to  their 
astonishment,  and  the  discharged  warriors  were,  moreover, 
offered  inducements  to  settle  down  to  civil  life.  Those 
for  whom  peace  had  no  attractions  soon  discovered  that 
they  would  not  be  allowed  to  roam  and  raid  at  will  in  free 
companies  and  robber  bands. 

The  antagonism  of  view — not  of  aim — between  the 
brothers  had  peeped  forth  once  or  twice  during  these 
eighteen  months.  Henry  being  absent,  and  John  in 
temporary  charge  at  Lahore,  a  deputation  of  the  sirdars 
approached  the  latter  with  a  prayer  that  they  might  be 
excused  from  fulfilling  their  promise  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  the  British  troops  on  whose  presence  they  were  dependent. 
They  would  willingly  pay,  but  the  state  coffers  were  empty, 


The  Second  Sikh  War  139 

and  Lord  Hardinge,  being  their  "  real  father,"  surely 
would  not  exact  tribute  from  his  children. 

John  Lawrence  waived  the  ingenuous  plea  aside.  There 
would  be  plenty  of  money,  said  he,  if  only  the  Sikh  officials 
would  deal  honestly  with  the  state.  To  place  the  kingdom 
upon  a  sounder  financial  basis  he  suggested  that  tax- 
gatherers  should  be  responsible  to  the  Resident,  not  to  the 
Lahore  Government,  and  that  no  money  should  be  spent 
without  his  signature. 

This  proposal  did  not  commend  itself  to  Henry,  who 
had  not  lost  all  hope  of  training  the  sirdars  to  perform 
their  duties  conscientiously,  nor  of  making  them  worthy 
of  responsibility.  He  would  rather  that  the  state  finances 
should  be  unsatisfactory  if  only  the  people  were  gaining  in 
character,  honesty,  and  a  sense  of  duty  to  their  fellows, 
than  that  the  revenue  should  be  large  and  the  nation 
remain  unfit  to  stand  alone.  A  gain  in  moral  strength 
would  outweigh  a  loss  of  any  number  of  lacs  to  the  revenue. 
Henry  regarded  the  problem  from  the  military  and  political 
standpoint;  John  from  the  financial.  The  latter  under- 
stood better  "  the  importance  of  a  clear  balance-sheet," 
and  warned  his  brother  that  annexation  would  be  in- 
evitable unless  the  Punjab  could  pay  its  way. 

Their  differences  were  fundamental.  Henry  had  a 
larger  gift  of  sympathy ;  John  was  better  able  to  rule  on 
scientific  principles.  Henry  acknowledged  his  brother  as 
master  in  the  regions  of  finance,  and  John  paid  un- 
grudging tribute  to  Henry's  finer  genius.  Here,  in  a  letter 
to  Sir  John  Kaye,  is  the  elder  brother's  opinion  of  the 
younger's  aptitude  for  work.  He  refers  to  the  days  of 
1846  and  1847  when  he  was  Regent  and  John  his  right 
hand  man.  1"  Each  of  my  assistants  was  a  good  man. 
The  most  were  excellent  officers.  My  chief  help,  however, 
was  my  brother  John,  without  whom  I  must  have  had 
1  Lives  of  Indian  Officers,  vol.  ii.  p.  298. 


140         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

difficulty  in  carrying  on.  ...  He  gave  me  always  such 
help  as  only  a  brother  could."  But  in  his  zeal  to  save 
the  country  from  bankruptcy  John  Lawrence  forgot  at 
times  that  the  Punjab  was  not  a  "  district  "  of  British 
India,  and  that  the  Resident,  for  whom  he  was  acting,  was 
after  all  the  "  friendly  adviser  "  of  the  maharaja's  council. 
The  sirdars  soon  perceived  that  he  was  no  friend  of  their 
order ;  they  compared  him  unfavourably  with  his  brother, 
and  found  his  yoke  too  heavy. 

Though  well  aware  that  John  would  take  a  line  divergent 
from  his  own,  if  freed  from  his  control,  Henry  was  con- 
vinced that  his  younger  brother  was  the  statesman  best 
fitted  to  rule  the  Punjab,  in  his  absence,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  natives.  Before  leaving  India  he  recommended  that 
John  should  continue  as  Acting- Resident,  but  Lord 
Hardinge,  albeit  one  who  believed  in  the  Commissioner  of 
the  Jalandar  Doab,  evidently  considered  that  so  important 
a  post  should  be  conferred  upon  one  senior  in  service  ; 
or,  perhaps,  he  was  afraid,  not  of  being  thought,  but 
actually  of  being,  too  much  under  Henry  Lawrence's 
influence,  and  Sir  Frederick  Currie  was  appointed  Resident 
at  Lahore.  The  appointment  was  in  some  respects  un- 
fortunate. Sir  Frederick  was  a  distinguished  civil  servant, 
but  his  knowledge  of  the  Sikhs  had  not  been  acquired  on 
the  spot.  He  well  deserved  to  be  had  in  honour,  but  he 
had  no  desire  that  promotion  should  take  this  form,  and 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  only  accepted  because 
he  was  under  the  delusion  that  his  temporary  holding  of  the 
office  would  oblige  the  Lawrences.  As  he  could  not  take 
up  the  reins  at  once  John  was  left  in  charge  at  Lahore 
until  the  middle  of  March.  On  April  3,  1848,  three  weeks 
after  Currie's  arrival,  John  returned  to  Jalandar. 

On  the  homeward  voyage  Lord  Hardinge  penned  a 
strong  recommendation  that  Colonel  Henry  Lawrence's 
exceptional  services  should  be  marked  in  a  manner  befitting 


The  Second  Sikh  War  141 

the  occasion.  Within  a  month  of  his  arrival  in  England 
Lawrence  was  made  a  K.C.B.,  and  that  which  Mr.  Huddle- 
stone  had  foretold  to  Letitia  had  come  to  pass.  He  had 
been  parted  from  wife  and  children  for  little  more  than  two 
years,  a  short  enough  period  judged  by  the  Anglo-Indian 
standard  of  that  day,  but  this  was  the  first  time  they  had 
been  in  England  together  since  the  discovery  that  they 
were  all  in  all  to  one  another,  and  there  were  the  scenes  of 
old  years  to  revisit,  distant  memories  and  associations  to 
recall. 

And  while  they  were  planning  what  to  do  with  the  un- 
accustomed holiday,  India  had  already  begun  to  regret 
his  absence,  to  realise  that  as  yet  no  man  was  able  to  fill 
his  place  in  the  Punjab.  Mulraj  of  Multan  had  shot  his 
bolt;  the  south-western  province  had  risen  against  the 
British.  The  sparks  from  Multan  were  blown  northward; 
the  combustible  material  burst  into  flame,  and  on  all  sides 
rose  up  fanatics  to  pour  oil  on  the  fire,  calling  upon  their 
followers  to  "  strike  for  God  and  the  Guru."  The  military 
instincts  of  the  hardy  peasantry  were  aroused ;  they 
remembered  their  former  prowess  and  the  days  of  Ranjit 
Singh ;  they  beat  their  ploughshares  into  swords,  left  the 
fields  to  the  women,  and  hurried  to  the  fray. 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence  had  not  fondly  imagined  that  the 
Punjab  was  reconciled  to  British  rule.  "  If  every  Sikh 
and  Sirdar  in  the  Punjab,"  he  had  declared  to  Lord 
Hardinge,  "  were  to  avow  himself  satisfied  ...  it  would 
be  the  extreme  of  infatuation  to  believe  him."  l  He  did 
not  hesitate  now ;  his  place  was  in  the  Punjab ;  there 
could  be  no  rest  for  body  or  mind  while  his  own  province 
was  calling  unto  him.  Each  post  brought  worse  news; 
the  revolt  was  spreading  and  the  Government  of  India  was 
doing  nothing  to  check  it.  There  was  one  gleam  of  light, 
one  patch  of  blue,  through  the  lowering  clouds.     Away  on 

1  Kaye's  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  pp.  13-14. 

K 


142         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

the  far  side  of  Multan,  cut  off  from  all  succour,  his  friend 
and  pupil,  Lieutenant  Herbert  Edwardes,  was  upholding 
England's  honour,  defeating  and  shutting  up  the  army  of 
Mulraj  with  a  handful  of  raw  Sikh  and  Mussulman  levies. 
And  his  own  chosen  lieutenants — John  Lawrence  in  the 
Jalandar  Doab,  George  at  Peshawar  (where  he  was  soon 
to  endure  a  second  captivity),  Nicholson,  Abbott,  Reynell 
Taylor,  Cocks,  and  others  of  his  own  men — were  holding 
their  own  in  their  isolated  posts,  separated  one  from  the 
other  by  hundreds  of  miles,  while  the  great  Indian  army 
lay  inactive.  How  bitter  must  have  been  the  thought 
that  his  work  was  undone.  The  news  was  a  shock,  but  a 
stimulant  no  less.  He  wrote  at  once  offering  to  return  to 
duty. 

The  big  province  of  Multan  had  been  governed  despoti- 
cally by  Mulraj,  who  had  succeeded  his  father,  Sawan  Mull, 
the  best  and  most  popular  of  Ranjit  Singh's  viceroys. 
Had  the  British  regency  not  been  appointed  in  the  Punjab, 
Mulraj  would  no  doubt  have  taken  advantage  of  the 
prevailing  anarchy  to  carve  out  for  himself  an  independent 
sovereignty.  He  had  been  paying  a  tribute  of  twenty-one 
lacs  of  rupees  to  Lahore — and  probably  squeezing  double 
that  amount  out  of  his  people — and  he  now  declined  to 
account  for  the  revenue  of  his  province.  Therefore  John 
Lawrence  had  granted  him  safe  conduct  to  Lahore  and 
had  attempted  to  reason  with  him.  In  a  fit  of  temper 
Mulraj  had  resigned  his  governorship  and,  much  to 
his  surprise,  had  been  taken  at  his  word.  The  Acting- 
Resident — his  brother  warmly  approving — had  thereupon 
appointed  Mr.  Arthur  Cocks  to  Multan,  to  assess  the 
province  afresh,  but  as  Henry  was  on  the  point  of  departure 
for  England,  the  Governor-General  had  ordered  the 
appointment  to  be  left  over  until  Sir  Frederick  Currie 
could  take  charge. 

Cocks  was  an  able  officer  who  knew  the  country  and 


The  Second  Sikh  War  143 

could  handle  Punjabis,  and  the  Lawrences  wished  him  to  be 
there  before  the  hot  weather.  But  red-tape  had  prevailed ; 
Cocks  had  been  otherwise  employed,  and  when  Currie 
took  up  his  duties  at  Lahore  he  sent  Lieutenant  Anderson 
and  Mr.  Vans  Agnew  to  Multan  in  charge  of  the  new 
governor.  As  they  passed  through  the  fort  gates  the  two 
Englishmen  were  struck  down,  and  the  greater  part  of  their 
escort  promptly  deserted  and  cast  in  its  lot  with  the 
assassins.  A  few  sepoys  bravely  defended  the  wounded 
officers,  but  in  vain,  and  both  were  murdered.  Though 
there  is  no  proof  that  the  crime  had  been  premeditated  by 
Mulraj,  he  determined  to  profit  by  it,  and  issued  a  pro- 
clamation calling  upon  the  Punjab  to  cast  off  the  English 
yoke. 

From  the  Doab  John  Lawrence  urged  the  Government 
to  despatch  a  force  to  Multan  without  a  day's  unnecessary 
delay,  and  so  prevent  the  spread  of  the  revolt.  The  hot 
season  had  begun,  and  Multan  has  an  evil  reputation  for 
heat,  but,  conceding  the  perils  of  the  climate,  he  pressed 
the  conviction  that  delay  wras  still  more  dangerous. 

When  Imam-ud-din  had  raised  his  standard  in  Kashmir 
Henry  Lawrence  had  delivered  his  knock-down  blow  at 
once,  and  won,  and  saved  much  bloodshed.  Had  he 
shown  hesitation  his  Sikh  troops  would  have  gone  over  to 
the  rebel.  He  did  not,  and  his  force  of  character  and 
promptness  to  act  averted  a  costly  campaign.  Had  he 
now  been  in  the  Punjab  to  support  his  brother's  views, 
no  doubt  his  prestige  among  the  Sikhs  and  his  influence 
with  the  Council  would  have  prevailed,  and  a  few  weeks 
might  have  seen  the  collapse  of  the  rising.  "  Had  Law- 
rence been  at  our  head  now,"  wrote  Lumsden,  within  a 
fortnight  of  the  outbreak,"  we  should  have  been  in  Multan 
by  this  time." 

But  Sir  Hugh  Gough,  the  Commander-in-Chief,  afraid 
of  no  man,  recklessly  brave,  yet  dreaded  a  campaign  in  the 


144         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

hot  season;  and  Lord  Dalhousie,  being  new  to  India,  for 
once  bowed  to  the  opinion  of  others.  It  was  the  only 
mistake  of  the  kind  that  he  made  during  his  masterful 
and  brilliant  career  as  Governor-General.  Sir  Frederick 
Currie  was  in  favour  of  immediate  action,  but  his  position 
was  less  strong  than  that  of  his  predecessor,  and  he  could 
not  speak  with  equal  authority;  and  John's  insistent 
letters,  pointing  out  what  must  ensue  as  soon  as  the  Sikhs 
should  realise  that  British  officers  might  be  murdered 
with  impunity,  were  disregarded,  or  at  least  they  failed  of 
their  effect.  Instead  of  the  needed  flying  column  to  deal 
with  Mulraj,  preparations  were  deliberately  made  for  what 
Henry  bitterly  termed  "  a  grand  shikar  [hunt]  in  the  cold 
season  under  the  lead  of  the  Governor-General." 

The  whole  attention  of  the  Commissioner  of  the  Jalandar 
Doab  was  presently  required  in  his  own  district,  where  a 
number  of  hill  chieftains  followed  the  lead  of  Mulraj. 
He  and  his  assistants  organised  a  small  flying  column 
wherewith  they  conducted  a  fortnight's  campaign  in  which 
hardly  a  shot  was  fired  or  a  sword-cut  given,  though  the 
Jalandar  Doab  and  the  hill-states  were  thereby  secured 
against  the  horrors  of  war. 

In  each  district  through  which  he  passed  the  chieftains 
and  headmen  were  ordered  to  attend,  and  were  given  the 
choice  of  being  ruled  by  the  pen  or  by  the  sword.  "  They 
were  assembled  in  scores,  and,  when  a  sword  and  a  pen 
were  placed  before  them  to  select  the  instrument  by  which 
they  wished  to  be  ruled,  the  pen  was  grasped  with  enthu- 
siasm."1 Promptness,  coolness  in  emergencies,  and  the 
courage  that  does  not  shrink  from  responsibility,  these 
were  the  qualities  shown  by  the  Commissioner  and  his 
subordinates. 

1  Robert  Cust's  Pictures  of  Indian  Life,  pp.  254-255.  The  statue  of 
John  Lawrence  on  the  Mall  in  Lahore  commemorates  this  incident. 
Holding  in  one  hand  the  sword,  in  the  other  the  pen,  he  asks  the 
men  of  the  Punjab:    "  By  which  will  you  be  governed?  " 


The  Second  Sikh  War  145 

Equally  admirable  were  the  efforts  put  forth  by  Henry's 
disciples  to  uphold  British  prestige.  Very  brilliant  were 
the  feats  of  Herbert  Edwardes.  Engaged  in  the  Revenue 
Survey,  in  the  far  country  between  the  Indus  and  the 
Sulaiman  Hills,  he  heard  by  chance  of  the  murders.  With 
him  was  a  small  escort  of  Sikhs  and  Mussulmans,  and  with 
this  ridiculous  array  he  crossed  the  Indus  and  invited 
Mulraj  to  "  come  on,"  to  use  his  own  words  "  like  a  terrier 
barking  at  a  tiger."  Asking  no  official  sanction  he  en- 
rolled a  number  of  Pathans — men  who  bore  no  love  to 
Mulraj — and,  giving  battle  to  the  Dewan,  defeated  him 
badly,  and  actually  drove  him  in  confusion  back  to  the 
city  walls.  Once  more  Edwardes  thrashed  his  opponent, 
and  Mulraj  was  compelled  to  shut  himself  up  in  his 
fortress. 

"  Now  is  the  time  to  strike,"  Edwardes  wrote.  "  It 
is  painful  to  see  that  I  have  got  to  the  end  of  my  tether." 
He  urged  the  authorities  to  send  "  a  few  heavy  guns,  a 
mortar  battery,  a  few  sappers  and  miners,  and  Major 
Robert  Napier  "  to  finish  the  war.  The  sanguine  Edwardes 
probably  underestimated  the  strength  of  Multan,  but  who 
knows  if  he  might  not  have  succeeded?  England  would 
not  be  ruling  India  had  her  sons  allowed  themselves  to  be 
checked  by  the  impossible. 

Still  no  move  was  made.  Operations  were  so  long  de- 
layed that  by  the  time  General  Whish  was  sent  to  Multan, 
the  Punjab  was  ablaze  and  Dost  Mohammed  remembered 
the  wrongs  he  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  English. 
For  the  first  time  Sikhs  and  Afghans  were  united,  and 
Peshawar,  the  prize  for  which  battles  had  been  lost  and 
won,  was  gracefully  conceded  to  the  Barakzai.  George 
Lawrence  was  again  a  captive  to  the  bow  and  spear  of  the 
Pathan. 

"  Unwarned  by  precedent,  uninfluenced  by  example, 
the  Sikh  nation  have  called  for  war  and  on  my  word,  sirs. 


146         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

they  shall  have  it  with  a  vengeance."  So  spoke  Lord 
Dalhousie  as  he  took  the  field,  and  his  words  were  true, 
and  there  was  bitter  lamentation  in  the  Punjab.  England 
had  poured  out  blood  and  treasure  to  help  her;  her  best 
men  had  toiled  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  Sikhs ; 
but  the  fanaticism  of  the  people  and  the  ambition  of 
intriguers  had  prevailed,  and  for  a  time  it  seemed  that  the 
British  rather  than  the  Sikhs  were  doomed  "  to  have  it 
with  a  vengeance."  For  the  opening  battles  of  Ram- 
nuggur  and  Sadalpur  went  in  favour  of  the  aggressor. 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence  arrived  before  Multan  in  time  to 
take  part  in  the  reduction  of  the  town  and  to  receive  the 
surrender  of  Mulraj.  Thence  he  hastened  to  join  the  main 
army,  and  he  witnessed  the  carnage  of  Chillianwalla,  a 
"  victory  "  that  spread  consternation  and  horror  through- 
out the  empire.  A  cry  arose  for  the  supersession  of  brave 
old  Gough,  and  Sir  Charles  Napier,  the  brilliant  and  erratic, 
was  sent  out  from  England  as,  in  1899,  Lord  Roberts 
received  the  nation's  mandate  to  retrieve  Buller's  disasters. 
So  great  was  the  need  that  the  Duke  of  Wellington  declared 
that  either  Napier  or  he  himself  must  go. 


CHAPTER  XV 

{January-March  1849) 

A    NEW   ERA   IN    INDIA 

Henry's  Policy  overturned — Lord  Dalhousie — Gujerat — Henry 
opposes,  John  urges,  Annexation  —  The  Governor  -  General 
agrees  with  John. 

The  presence  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  in  the  Punjab  was 
heralded  by  Europeans  and  natives  alike  as  a  light  in  the 
darkness,  an  omen  of  British  success,  and  Lord  Dalhousie 
was  not  pleased.  Punjabis  and  Europeans  had  freely 
stated  that  Mulraj  would  not  have  dared  to  raise  the 
standard  of  revolt  had  Lawrence  remained  at  Lahore. 
"The  Ikbal  [prestige]  of  the  great  English  chief" — so 
said  the  natives — "  had  deserted  his  countrymen,"  and 
now  shone  forth  this  same  ikbal  to  give  strength  to  the 
loyal  sirdars  and  to  weaken  the  resistance  of  the  disloyal. 
Lord  Dalhousie,  however,  preferred  that  the  Punjab 
should  acknowledge  British  supremacy  through  the  force 
of  Britain's  armed  might,  and  he  took  an  early  opportunity 
to  convince  Sir  Henry  that  the  old  order  had  given  place 
to  the  new,  and  that  the  people  of  the  Punjab  must  now 
regard  their  former  Regent  as  no  more  than  the  servant 
and  mouthpiece  of  the  Governor-General.1 

Before  leaving  England  Sir  Henry  had  received  a  letter 
from  Lord  Dalhousie  giving  him  warning  of  a  change  in 
policy,  and  informing  him  in  the  plainest  terms  that  the 

1  "  I  have  received  the  thanks  of  the  Government,"  Lieutenant 
Lumsden  wrote  to  his  father  in  1847,  and,  what  I  prize  more, 
Lawrence's  approbation." — Lumsden  of  the  Guides,  p.  34. 

147 


148         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

days  of  Sikh  independence  had  gone  by,  though  there  had 
been  "  no  more  sincere  friend  of  Lord  Hardinge's  policy 
to  establish  a  strong  Hindu  government  between  the  Sutlej 
and  the  Khyber  than  I."  John  agreed  with  the  Governor- 
General,  and  after  events  have  justified  their  wisdom. 
But  it  is  not  easy  to  give  up  an  ideal.  Sir  Henry  sailed 
for  India,  suspicious  of  India's  new  master  and  all  his  ways, 
and  the  dictatorial  tone  of  subsequent  communications 
was  not  calculated  to  conciliate.  Lord  Dalhousie  was 
thirty-seven  years  of  age,  and  a  few  months  of  his  life  had 
been  spent  in  India ;  Henry  Lawrence  was  forty-two,  and 
for  twenty-six  years  India's  interests  had  been  his.  His 
knowledge  of  the  country  and  the  people  was  only  equalled 
by  their  trust  in  him,  and  the  previous  Governor-General 
had  constantly  deferred  to  his  opinion.  How  galling  must 
it  have  been  to  his  proud  spirit  to  endure  the  rebukes  and 
submit  tamely  to  the  dictates  of  the  young  "  Laird  of 
Cockpen!  " 

On  the  day  of  his  arrival  in  the  Punjab  he  received  the 
first  intimation  that  he  was  no  longer  supreme,  and  that 
all  men  were  to  understand  that  the  once-powerful  Resident 
was  there  simply  to  do  the  bidding  of  another.  An  im- 
pression prevailed — probably  well  founded — that  Mulraj, 
having  heard  of  his  approach,  wished  to  surrender  to  him 
in  person.  Straightway  Lord  Dalhousie  wrote  to  anticipate 
the  granting  of  unduly  favourable  terms.  "  I  have  to 
inform  you,"  said  he,  "  that  I  will  grant  no  terms  whatever 
to  Mulraj,  nor  listen  to  any  proposal  but  unconditional 
surrender.  If  he  is  captured  he  shall  have  what  he  does 
not  deserve — a  fair  trial." 

Sympathy  in  the  disputes  that  arose  will  generally  be 
found  on  the  side  of  Henry  Lawrence,  the  Christian  warrior 
and  statesman,  so  humble  in  his  pride,  who  knew  so  well, 
and  fought  so  bravely  against,  his  hot  temper  and  too 
great  "  touchiness,"  the  two  faults  of  a  character  otherwise 


A  New  Era  in  India  149 

almost  blameless.  We  call  to  mind  his  restless  champion- 
ship of  the  poor  and  weak,  the  despised  and  oppressed; 
how  in  poverty  or  comparative  wealth  he  deemed  his 
money  a  trust  to  be  used  for  others.  His  influence  over 
the  strong  men  of  the  Punjab  is  remembered — how  he 
was  proudly  acknowledged  as  master  by  perhaps  the 
finest  group  of  administrators  ever  set  over  a  subject  state, 
by  men  who  were  themselves  held  in  awe,  and  even 
worshipped  by  the  Punjabis;  masterful  men  like  John 
Nicholson  who — refusing  to  bow  the  head  to  any  other 
superior,  even  to  John  Lawrence  or  Lord  Dalhousie — 
would  humbly  acquiesce  in  Henry's  lightest  wish ;  like 
Hodson  of  Hodson's  Horse,  who,  arrogant  and  high- 
handed and  too  well  aware  of  his  own  ability,  yet  did 
homage  gladly  to  him  whom  he  revered. 

But  we  must  not  take  for  granted  that,  because  his  was 
the  more  lovable  nature  and  his  experience  the  greater, 
Henry  Lawrence  was  in  the  right  in  all  his  disputes  with 
the  Governor-General.  For  many  years  his  ambition  had 
been  to  train  the  Punjab  to  take  its  place  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  acknowledging  British  suzerainty  yet  work- 
ing out  its  own  salvation,  and  he  was  loth  to  renounce  the 
ideal.  On  the  other  hand  Lord  Dalhousie  was  convinced 
that  there  would  be  small  prospect  of  peace  for  India  until 
the  Khalsa  had  been  crushed  and  the  Sikhs  forced  to 
acknowledge  that  the  English  were  their  masters.  This 
lesson  taught,  their  affairs  must  then  be  administered  by 
Englishmen,  and  the  natives  treated  as  children  unfit  to 
govern  themselves  and  ignorant  of  their  own  good.  He 
was  not  necessarily  in  the  wrong  because  he  differed  from 
his  greatest  subject. 

What  would  have  happened  had  Sir  Henry  been  allowed 
a  free  hand  no  man  can  say.  But  this  we  know,  that  the 
Punjab,  administered  by  the  Lawrences  in  accordance  with 
the  theories  of  Lord  Dalhousie,  not  only  gained  peace  and 


I  50         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

prosperity,  but  soon  became  the  model  province,  and  after 
eight  years'  experience  as  British  subjects  her  sons  saved 
India  for  the  English.  But  could  this  have  been  achieved 
without  the  Lawrence  influence  ? 

Throughout  his  tenure  of  office  Lord  Dalhousie  was 
actuated  by  a  lofty  sense  of  duty.  His  evident  self-con- 
fidence was  never  conceit ;  it  was  justified  by  his  splendid 
abilities  and  high  character,  and,  after  all,  he  it  was  who 
was  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  Indian  affairs,  and  he 
meant  to  be  ruler  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name.  He  believed 
in  himself,  and,  having  discovered  at  this  early  date  that 
evil  had  come  from  deference  to  the  opinions  of  his  advisers, 
he  apparently  renounced  the  practice  for  all  time.  He 
would  have  failed  in  his  duty  had  he  sanctioned  measures 
which  he — with  exceptional  mental  grip — sincerely  believed 
to  be  injurious  to  the  country  placed  under  his  care.  And 
Lord  Dalhousie  has  never  been  accused  of  having  shirked 
a  duty,  however  unpleasant  to  himself  or  others. 

Granting  this  we  may  still  regret  that  he  did  not  consider 
it  worth  while  to  tone  down  his  expressions  of  opinion 
.and  speak  with  some  show  of  deference  to  one  who  was  his 
senior  in  years  and  experience,  and  his  superior  in  greatness ; 
who  had  served  the  state  with  such  noteworthy  self- 
sacrifice.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  Sir  Henry  erred 
greatly  in  his  disputes  with  the  Governor-General  by  dis- 
playing an  aptness  to  take  offence  regrettable  in  so  good 
and  great  a  man.  He  jumped  to  conclusions  which  were 
not  warranted  and  was  inclined  to  regard  as  slights,  or 
•even  insults,  words  and  phrases  which— though  they  had 
been  better  expressed  differently — were  not  meant  to  stab. 
His  sensitive  nature  would  not  permit  him  to  understand 
and  make  allowance  for  Lord  Dalhousie 's  very  different 
temperament. 

From  this  time  forward  Henry  Lawrence's  career  was 
to  be  one  of  disappointment.     Happily  for  the   Punjab 


A  New  Era  in  India  i  5  1 

his  work  suffered  from  no  diminution  of  energy  and  his 
•devotion  to  the  good  of  others  continued  as  great  as  ever, 
albeit  he  lacked  the  joy  in  the  work  that  had  hitherto  been 
his. 

Lord  Dalhousie  was  clever,  earnest,  upright,  and  devoted 
to  his  duty.  And  his  conception  of  duty  was  not  narrow. 
He  had  resolved  to  work  with  all  his  heart,  mind,  soul, 
and  strength  for  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number, 
and  to  attain  this  end  he  never  spared  himself.  Here 
surely  was  a  man  after  Henry  Lawrence's  own  heart,  and 
what  could  arise  to  prevent  these  two,  so  similar  in  character, 
so  earnest  in  striving  after  the  same  ideals,  from  working 
harmoniously  together  ? 

Lord  Dalhousie  lacked  sympathetic  imagination,  the 
gift  that  enables  its  possessor  to  see  through  the  eyes  of 
others,  to  calculate  the  effect  of  each  new  thing  upon  minds 
dissimilar  to  his  own,  differently  prejudiced  as  the  result 
of  a  very  different  environment.  He  had  little  patience 
with  the  native  point  of  view,  especially  in  the  early  days. 
His  duty  was  to  make  India  prosperous,  and,  "  please  God, 
I  will  obey."  If  the  natives  of  India — more  sharp-witted 
than  the  English  peasant — have  a  method  of  reasoning 
differing  from  that  of  Europeans,  then  to  reason  with  them 
would  obviously  be  vain.  Results  must  speak  for  them- 
selves. 

Henry  Lawrence  stood  as  firm  as  the  Governor-General 
against  any  compromise  between  right  and  wrong,  but  he 
could  see,  and  feel  sympathy  with,  the  Oriental  point  of 
view,  and  would  never  ride  rough-shod  over  native  pre- 
judices even  for  the  good  of  the  natives  themselves.  Under- 
standing their  feelings  he  had  a  better  chance  of  reasoning 
with  them  and  of  explaining  the  benefits  to  be  expected 
from  a  proposed  reform.  But  as  Lord  Dalhousie  did  not 
feel  the  want  of  imagination,  nor  ever  know  how  greatly 
his  good  work  in  India  suffered  from  its  absence,  he  does 


152         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

not  seem  to  have  approved  of  those  qualities  in  his  chief 
subordinate,  and  had  probably  determined  what  line  to  take 
with  him  before  he  had  even  seen  him. 

"  You  say  you  are  grieved  at  all  you  saw  and  heard 
at  Lahore,"  he  wrote  after  Chillian walla — and  one  could 
have  wished  for  a  different  tone  towards  him  who  held  the 
foremost  place  in  men's  hearts  in  India — "  so  was  I — so 
I  have  long  been ;  but  I  don't  know  whether  our  griefs  are 
on  the  same  tack." 

Before  the  decisive  battle  of  Gujerat  had  ground  the 
Khalsa  into  the  dust,  Sir  Henry  had,  with  the  consent  of 
the  Governor-General,  drafted  a  proclamation  to  the  Sikh 
nation,  pointing  out  the  folly  of  resistance  and  the  wisdom 
of  laying  down  their  arms.  To  this  Sir  Henry,  who 
regarded  the  Sikhs  as  erring  children  rather  than  as  deadly 
foes,  added  some  expression  of  his  personal  interest  in  their 
welfare,  and  the  addition  was  probably  an  appeal  to  the 
sirdars'  knowledge  of  and  confidence  in  his  friendship. 
Had  he  published  the  proclamation  without  first  sub- 
mitting the  addition  for  approval  one  might  understand 
the  displeasure  of  such  an  autocrat  as  Lord  Dalhousie. 
But  he  did  not  step  outside  the  limits  of  his  office,  and  the 
mere  proposal  to  include  the  expression  of  personal  feeling 
surely  could  not  justify  a  rebuke  so  stinging. 

Ferozepore,  February  1,  1849. 

In  my  conversation  with  you  a  few  days  ago  I  took  occasion 
to  say  to  you  that  my  mode  of  conducting  public  business,  in  the 
administration  with  which  I  am  entrusted,  and  especially  with  the 
confidential  servants  of  the  Government,  are,  to  speak  with  perfect 
openness,  without  any  reserve,  and  plainly  to  tell  my  mind  without 
disguise  or  mincing  of  words.  In  pursuance  of  that  system,  I  now 
remark  on  the  proclamation  you  have  proposed.  It  is  objectionable 
in  matter,  because,  from  the  terms  in  which  it  is  worded,  it  is 
calculated  to  convey  to  those  who  are  engaged  in  this  shameful 
war  an  expectation  of  much  more  favourable  terms,  much  more 
extended  immunity  from  punishment,  than  I  consider  myself 
justified  in  granting  them.  It  is  objectionable  in  manner:  because 
(unintentionally,  no  doubt)  its  whole  tone  substitutes  you  personally, 


A  New  Era  in  India  153 

as  the  Resident  at  Lahore,  for  the  Government  which  you  represent. 
It  is  calculated  to  raise  the  inference  that  a  new  state  of  things  is 
arising;  that  the  fact  of  your  arrival  with  a  desire  to  bring  peace 
to  the  Punjaub  is  likely  to  affect  the  warlike  measures  of  the  Govern- 
ment; and  that  you  are  come  as  a  peacemaker  for  the  Sikhs,  as 
standing  between  them  and  the  Government.  This  cannot  be.  .  .  . 
There  must  be  entire  identity  between  the  Government  and  its 
agent,  whoever  he  is.  .  .  .  I  repeat,  that  I  can  allow  nothing  to  be 
said  or  done,  which  should  raise  the  notion  that  the  policy  of  the 
Government  of  India,  or  its  intentions,  depend  on  your  presence 
as  Resident  in  the  Punjaub.  ...  I  am  very  willing  that  a  pro- 
clamation should  be  issued  by  you,  but  bearing  evidence  that  it 
proceeds  from  Government.  It  may  notify  that  no  terms  can  be 
given,  but  unconditional  submission ;  yet  that,  on  submission  being 
immediately  made,  no  man's  life  shall  be  forfeited  for  the  part  he 
has  taken  in  hostilities  against  the  British  Government.1 

Sir  Henry  replied  as  follows : — 

Lahore,  February  5. 

I  have  written  the  proclamation  in  the  terms  I  understand  your 
lordship  to  desire;  but  any  alteration  made  in  it,  or  the  letter,  by 
your  order  will  be  duly  attended  to  when  the  translations  are 
prepared.  I  may,  however,  observe,  the  Natives  do  not  understand 
"  unconditional  surrender."  They  know  that,  with  themselves,  it 
implies  murder  and  spoliation.  As,  therefore,  life  and  security 
from  imprisonment  is  promised  to  the  soldiers,  I  would  suggest 
that  the  words  "  unconditional  surrender"  be  omitted,  as  they  may 
be  made  use  of  by  the  ill  -  disposed  to  blind  others  to  the  real 
conditions.   .   .  . 

My  own  opinion,  as  already  more  than  once  expressed  in 
writing  to  your  lordship,  is  against  annexation.  I  did  think  it 
unjust:  I  now  think  it  impolitic.  It  is  quite  possible  I  may  be 
prejudiced  and  blinded;  but  I  have  thought  over  the  subject  long 
and  carefully.  However,  if  I  had  not  intended  to  have  done  my 
duty  under  all  circumstances,  conscience  permitting,  I  should  not 
have  hurried  out  from  England  to  have  taken  part  in  arrangements 
that,  under  any  circumstances,  could  not  but  have  in  them  more  of 
bitterness  than  all  else  for  me. 

But  how  bitter  the  task  would  prove  he  had  not  yet 
realised.  Lord  Dalhousie's  may  have  been  the  right  policy, 
but  why  inflict  unnecessary  pain  ?  The  Governor-General's 
decision  need  have  been  no  less  decided  had  it  been  con- 
veyed in  more  befitting  terms.     Sir  Henry  himself  did 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  123-125. 


154         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

not  spare  the  rod  even  to  the  dearest  of  his  friends. 
Without  reference  to  his  chief  Major  Herbert  Edwardes  had 
thought  fit  to  disband  a  Pathan  regiment  which  had 
behaved  badly.  But  here  the  rebuke  is  from  a  senior  in 
age  and  experience,  from  one  whom  Edwardes  was  proud 
to  call  his  master,  of  whose  love  and  esteem  he  was  assured. 

"  Lieutenant  Young  has  behaved  admirably  as  a  soldier; 
but  where  would  be  the  end  of  men  acting  on  their  own 
responsibility  if  not  only  you,  but  he,  could  without  refer- 
ence to  me,  disarm  and  discharge  a  regular  regiment  for  an 
offence  committed  months  ago  ?  If  such  is  right,  there  is 
no  need  of  a  Resident  at  all.  .  .  .  Just  now,  when  you  are 
only  recovering  from  a  sick  bed,  I  am  sorry  to  have  to  find 
fault  with  you,  but  I  have  no  alternative  in  this  matter. 
The  times  have  loosened  discipline,  but  the  sooner  it  is 
returned  to,  the  better  for  all  parties.  .  .  .  You  will  not 
mistake  me.  You  know  me  to  be  your  friend,  I  hope  in 
the  best  sense.  I  know  and  admire  your  excellent  qualities ; 
I  fully  appreciate  the  good  service  you  have  done,  and  have 
most  gladly  borne  testimony  to  them ;  but  this  is  not  the 
first  time  we  have  had  a  discussion  of  this  kind :  I  most 
sincerely  hope  it  will  be  the  last."  * 

Compare  Lord  Dalhousie's  comment  on  this  reprimand. 

"  I  am  greatly  surprised  with  what  you  write  to  me 
about  Major  Edwardes,  or  rather,  I  should  say  I  am  greatly 
vexed,  but  not  surprised  at  all.  .  .  .  But  I  further  wish 
to  repeat  what  I  said  before,  that  there  are  more  than 
Major  Edwardes  in  the  Residency,  who  appear  to  consider 
themselves,  nowadays,  as  Governor-General  at  least.  The 
sooner  you  set  about  disenchanting  their  minds  of  this  illu- 
sion the  better  for  your  comfort  and  their  own.  .  .  .  For 
my  part,  I  will  not  stand  it  in  quieter  times  for  half  an 
hour,  and  will  come  down  unmistakeably  upon  any  one 
of  them  who  may  '  try  it  on,'  from  Major  Edwardes,  C.B., 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  126. 


A  New  Era  in  India  155 

down  to  the  latest  enlisted  general-ensign-plenipotentiary 
in  the  establishment." 

We  are  not  permitted  to  entertain  any  doubt  of  Lord 
Dalhousie's  ability  to  chastise  his  subordinates  with  words 
well-chosen  and  unambiguous.  The  autocrat,  who  seemed 
to  take  delight  in  lashing  his  officers  to  heel,  might  be 
respected  but  hardly  loved.  Certainly  not  until  he  himself 
had  been  tested  and  proved.  While  recognising  equally 
the  folly  of  any  neglect  to  point  out  to  an  erring  junior  that 
he  is  exceeding  his  authority — even  when  the  delinquent 
has  just  been  rightly  acclaimed  as  a  hero — both  Henry  and 
John  Lawrence  understood  men  too  well  to  hurt  a  good 
worker's  pride  for  the  sake  of  a  stinging  phrase.  We  shall 
see  later  how  the  younger  brother  dealt  with  Nicholson 
when  that  most  wonderful  man  turned  refractory. 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence  would  derive  little  satisfaction  from 
contemplation  of  the  fact  that  the  Governor-General  was 
even  less  pleased  with  the  performance  of  others.  Lord 
Gough,  the  Commander-in-Chief,  was  a  distinguished 
soldier,  one  of  the  bravest  of  men  and  best  loved  of  generals. 
Rash  he  probably  was,  but  in  considering  the  checks  he 
encountered  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  Khalsa  army 
was  excellently  armed  and  trained,  and  that  in  courage  and 
prowess  the  Sikhs  were  far  superior  to  the  poorbeah  x  sepoys 
opposed  to  them.  Unlike  his  predecessor  Lord  Dalhousie 
was  no  soldier  and  he  failed  to  appreciate  the  magnitude 
of  the  task.  The  following  extracts  from  his  letters  to  Sir 
Henry  (quoted  by  Mr.  Bosworth  Smith)  bear  witness  to  his 
typical  "  cocksureness  "  and  his  proneness  to  censure. 

"  Everything  in  the  camp  as  far  as  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  is  concerned  grows  worse  and  worse.  ...  I  have 
written  to  him  to-day  on  his  future  proceedings  in  terms 
which  I  am  sure  will  be  distasteful  to  him." 

1  "  The  man  from  the  East,"  a  term  applied  first  to  the  Oudh 
sepoys  in  the  Bombay  army,  and,  in  later  years,  to  all  mutineers. 


156         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Again,  in  reply  to  Sir  Henry's  request  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  join  the  field  force  in  order  to  impart  vigour  and 
prudence  to  the  counsels. 

"  It  is  already  too  notorious  that  neither  you  nor  any- 
body else  can  exercise  any  wholesome  influence  on  the 
mind  of  the  Commander-in-Chief ;  if  you  could  have  done 
so,  the  action  of  Chillianwalla  would  never  have  been 
fought  as  it  was  fought.  .  .  .  Moreover,  I  have  my  orders. 
I  am  ordered,  in  the  first  instance,  to  conquer  the  county. 
Please  God,  I  will  obey. 

"  What  '  thought  '  the  Camp  of  the  Commander-in-Chief 
has  signifies  very  little.  The  camp's  business  is  to  find 
fighting;  I  find  thought;  and  such  thought  as  the  camp 
has  hitherto  found  is  of  such  d — d  bad  quality,  that  it  does 
not  induce  me  to  forego  the  exercise  of  my  proper 
functions."  1 

Before  Sir  Charles  Napier  could  take  over  the  command 
the  old  general  had  fought  the  battle  of  Gujerat.  The 
heroic  Sikhs  were  crushed  and  Lord  Gough  had  retrieved 
his  honour.  A  more  complete  victory  against  odds  has 
seldom  been  won,  and  the  result  was  due  to  the  generalship 
of  the  victor,  not  to  any  lack  of  courage  on  the  part  of  the 
vanquished.  "  Ranjit  Singh  is  dead  to-day,"  was  the 
phrase — at  once  expressive  and  pathetic — used  by  the 
Sikh  chiefs  as  they  gave  up  their  swords  and  watched  their 
followers  adding  to  the  pile  of  surrendered  arms. 

The  Punjab  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  victors.     Sir  Henry 

admitted   that   the   Sikhs  had   forfeited   all  right   to   the 

empire   Ranjit   Singh's   genius   had   created,   but  he  still 

1  A  comment  in  Lord  Dalhousie's  diary  shows,  however,  his 
appreciation  of  the  qualities  that  had  made  Lord  Gough  the  idol 
of  the  men  he  commanded.  On  receiving  the  news  of  the  honours 
given  to  his  subordinates  for  their  services  at  Gujerat,  the  old 
general's  delight  was  so  manifest  that  Lord  Dalhousie  wrote:  "  I 
truly  believe  that  his  warm,  generous  old  heart  exults  in  the  success 
of  his  officers  quite  as  much  as  in  his  own  Viscounty." — Lee  Warner's 
Life  of  the  Marquis  of  Dalhousie,  vol.  i.  p.  230. 


A  New  Era  in  India  157 

cherished  the  hope  that  they  might  yet  be  taught  to  con- 
duct their  own  affairs  under  English  supervision.  John, 
originally  an  opponent  of  annexation  and  no  more  ready  to 
cry  "  Vae  Victis  "  than  his  brother,  was  now  satisfied  that 
in  British  rule  lay  the  only  hope  for  the  Punjab. 

Lord  Dalhousie  invited  Sir  Henry  to  confer  with  him 
respecting  the  arrangements  for  converting  the  Punjab  into 
a  province  of  India.  Henry  was  willing  that  John  should 
go  in  his  stead,  influenced  no  doubt  partly  by  what  he 
considered  as  the  lack  of  confidence  shown  by  the  Governor- 
General,  and  partly  by  the  sentiment  that  his  brother,  in 
whom  he  had  complete  trust,  was  more  in  sympathy  with 
his  lordship's  views,  and  would  therefore  do  better  than 
one  whose  heart  was  not  in  his  work.  So  John  Lawrence 
advised  immediate  annexation — urged  it  upon  Lord  Dal- 
housie, who,  in  truth,  required  no  urging.  He  had  already 
decided,  and  Sir  Henry  tendered  his  resignation,  feeling 
that  he  did  right  to  retire  from  the  post  he  loved  so  well  in 
favour  of  one  who  was  in  more  complete  accord  with  the 
Governor-General. 

But  Lord  Dalhousie — who,  after  all,  is  one  of  the  grandest 
figures  in  Anglo-Indian  records — did  not  underrate  the 
value  of  the  Resident's  services.  He  spoke  his  mind  freely 
and  was  always  more  ready  to  blame  than  to  praise,  and, 
lacking  imagination,  he  does  not  at  this  period  seem  to 
have  been  able  to  understand  why  his  subordinate  should 
object,  when  his  outspokenness  was  so  obviously  for  the 
good  of  the  state. 

"  As  for  your  not  having  my  confidence,"  he  had  written 
two  or  three  weeks  earlier,  "  differences  of  opinion  must 
not  be  understood  as  withdrawal  of  confidence.  You  give, 
and  will,  I  hope,  continue  to  give,  me  your  views  frankly. 
I  shall  give  you,  in  reply,  my  opinions  as  frankly.  If  we 
differ,  I  shall  say  so ;  but  my  saying  so  ought  not  to  be 
interpreted  to  mean  want  of  confidence.     Be  assured,  if 

L 


158         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

ever  I  lose  confidence  in  your  services,  than  which  nothing 
is  further  from  my  contemplation,  I  will  acquaint  you  of 
the  fact  promptly  enough." 

Most  excellent  advice !  but  Lord  Dalhousie's  defect  did 
not  permit  him  to  regard  the  situation  from  the  sub- 
ordinate's standpoint.  It  is  more  easy  for  a  superior  to 
speak  "  frankly  "  than  for  a  junior,  and  more  satisfactory 
withal. 

When  Lord  Dalhousie  pointed  out  how,  by  remaining 
in  office,  he  could  soften  the  fall  of  the  Sikhs  and  ensure 
the  just  and  kindly  treatment  of  the  conquered  people, 
Henry  Lawrence  was  induced  to  withdraw  his  resignation. 

On  March  30,  1849,  the  Punjab  was  proclaimed  a  British 
province  and  the  Punjab  Board  of  Administration  was 
formed,  with  Sir  Henry  as  President  and  John  Lawrence 
and  Mr.  Mansel  the  remaining  members.  The  province 
was  not  to  be  governed  by  Regulations,  but  by  despotism 
pure  and  simple — the  form  of  government  most  conducive 
to  progress  when  the  right  man  is  in  the  right  place. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

(1849-1851) 

THE    PUNJAB    BOARD 

A  Rule  of  Three — Disarmament — The  Frontier  Force — The  Guides 
— Thuggee  and  Dacoity  stamped  out — Public  Works — The 
Province  pays  its  Way  —  The  "Punjab  Head"  —  John's 
Capacity  for  Work. 

Lord  Dalhousie's  Board  of  Administration  was  an 
experiment  in  India  and  its  speedy  failure  was  foretold. 
But  the  Governor-General  knew  what  he  wanted,  and  for 
nearly  four  years  the  Board  did  that  which  he  wanted  and 
did  it  well.  Henry  Lawrence  took  to  himself  the  political 
and  military  duties,  the  management  of  the  sirdars,  the 
raising  of  Sikh  and  Punjabi  corps,  and  the  disarmament 
of  the  old  army;  John  was  responsible  for  finance  and 
civil  administration;  and  Mr.  Mansel,  a  civilian  of  dis- 
tinction and  a  philosopher  to  boot,  for  judicial  affairs. 
Under  the  control  of  the  Board  were  more  than  fifty 
commissioners,  deputies,  and  assistants,  Henry's  Punjabis 
having  been  reinforced  by  a  number  of  highly  trained 
civilians,1  who  had  sat  with  John  Lawrence  at  the  feet  of 
James  Thomason  in  the  North- West  Provinces. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  realise  that  the  Punjab  Board  had 
been  set  a  task  impossible  of  speedy  and  satisfactory 
accomplishment  by  any  save  a  Hercules  among  adminis- 
trators. On  the  one  hand  a  conquered  people,  sullen  and 
vicious,  brave  and  apt  in  war,  insolent  in  proportion  to 

1  These  included  Montgomery,  Macleod,  Barnes,  Raikes,  Cust, 
and  the  Thorntons. 

*59 


160         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

their  ignorance,  hating  the  foreigner  and  resolved  to  place 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  reform ;  a  vast  country,  stretching 
for  five  hundred  miles  north  to  south  and  nearly  as  much 
east  to  west,  from  the  snows  to  the  tropical  desert,  con- 
taining fruitful  valleys,  plains  yellow  with  corn,  and  arid 
wastes  of  great  extent,  a  country  without  roads  and, 
practically,  without  laws,  where — 

....  the  good  old  rule 
Sufficeth  them,  the  simple  plan 
That  they  should  take  who  have  the  power, 
And  they  should  keep  who  can. 

On  the  other  hand  a  few  Englishmen,  as  determined  to 
triumph  over  all  obstacles  as  were  their  subjects  to  obstruct, 
ruling  in  order  to  serve,  with  a  singleness  of  heart  and  a 
devotion  to  duty  pleasant  for  Englishmen  to  contemplate. 
The  Punjab  had  been  conquered  once  by  the  sword;  they 
were  about  to  effect  its  further  conquest  after  another 
fashion. 

No  mild  Hindus  were  these  Punjabis,  but  lovers  of  strife, 
whose  sires  had  lived  by  the  strength  of  their  own  right 
arms,  and  the  Board's  first  need  was  to  disarm  the  people 
and  so  render  hopeless  any  attempt  to  break  out.  The 
next  move  would  be  to  take  away  any  desire  for  such  an 
outbreak,  to  turn  hatred  into  respect,  to  make  plain  to  the 
conquered  that  their  rulers  were  working  to  befriend  them, 
not  to  despoil;  to  convince  them  that  less  licence  might 
be  consistent  with  greater  freedom. 

In  those  days  the  Punjabi  carried  arms  as  a  matter  of 
course,  and  the  disarming  called  for  tact,  firmness,  and 
knowledge  of  character.  Even  those  who,  in  their  wisdom, 
recognised  the  futility  of  a  third  attempt  to  break  the 
power  of  the  "  Great  Lord  Company,"  objected  strongly 
to  the  surrender  of  their  weapons  of  defence  in  a  land 
where  violence  had  run  riot,  where  human  life  was  held  as 
naught.     The  Punjab  was  still  ravaged  by  robber-bands, 


The  Punjab  Board  1 6 1 

whose  members  were  often  the  best  men  of  a  district, 
for  their  profession  was  held  in  no  dishonour. 

To  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  had  been  entrusted  the  charge 
of  military  affairs,  and  he  disarmed  the  populace  with  little 
difficulty.  In  the  Derajat,  the  country  between  the  Indus 
and  the  Afghan  hills,  sanction  was  given  to  retain  arms 
for  defence  against  the  tribesmen.  Here  is  the  memo- 
randum he  issued  for  the  use  of  officers  engaged  in  the 
work : — 

"  Immediately  on  your  arrival  [in  each  village]  call  the 
headmen,  and  inform  them  that  it  is  the  order  of  the 
Durbar  that  they  give  up  all  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
allow  two  hours  for  their  doing  so  ;  keep  your  men  together, 
and  on  the  alert;  do  not  search,  but  give  the  headmen 
distinctly  to  understand,  that  if  arms  are  hereafter  dis- 
covered to  be  in  their  villages,  they  will  be  individually 
held  to  be  responsible,  and  will  be  liable  to  imprisonment 
and  to  have  all  their  property  confiscated.  Take  a  note 
of  the  names  of  the  headmen  who  appear  before  you. 
Inform  them  that  no  man  in  their  villages  is  henceforward 
permitted  to  carry  arms  unless  he  is  in  the  service  of  the 
State."1 

He  enrolled  a  number  of  the  disbanded  soldiers  in  the 
new  cavalry  and  infantry  regiments,  and  his  famous  Punjab 
Irregular  Frontier  Force  (the  "  Piffers  ")  was  made  subject 
to  the  Board,  not  to  the  Commander-in-Chief.2  These  Pun- 
jabi Irregulars,  whose  duty  was  to  shepherd  five  hundred 
miles  of  frontier,  speedily  became  at  least  equal  in  spirit  to 
the  best  regiments  in  the  sepoy  army,  and  they  were  far 
superior  in  physique.     They  were  mainly  recruited  from 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  172-173. 

2  The  P.I.F.F. — it  was  known  as  "  Nobody's  Child  " — was  not 
placed  under  the  Commander-in-Chief  until  more  than  thirty  years 
later.  It  ceased  to  exist  as  a  separate  force  on  March  31,  1903, 
after  fifty  years  of  continual  warfare.  Probably  no  body  of  troops 
has  done  so  much  fighting  in  a  similar  period, 


1 62         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

the  Punjabi  Mohammedans  and  frontiersmen  of  one  or  other 
of  the  Pathan  tribes,  with  a  sprinkling  of  Sikh  and  Hindu 
Jats.  Later,  as  their  suspicions  were  allayed,  the  Sikhs 
enlisted  in  greater  numbers,  and  the  superiority  of  the 
Irregulars  became  more  marked.  The  Punjabi  Mohamme- 
dan has  never  received  the  recognition  his  services  have 
deserved.  He  fought  against  and  for  Ran  jit  Singh,  and 
formed  a  large  proportion  of  the  redoubtable  Khalsa  army. 
But  the  designation  Sikh,  being  short  and  easy,  has  been 
stretched  to  include  the  more  unwieldy  term  Punjabi 
Mohammedan,  and  these  followers  of  the  Prophet  were  the 
men  whom  Lawrence  and  Edwardes  and  Nicholson  sent 
down  to  capture  Delhi,  while  the  Sikhs  of  the  Manjha, 
to  whom  most  of  the  credit  has  been  given,  held  aloof. 
To  this  day  many  regiments  known  as  "  Sikhs  "  contain 
only  two  or  three  companies  of  the  disciples  of  Govind, 
who  are,  indeed,  found  in  equal  numbers  in  most  of  the 
Punjabi  regiments  and  Bengal  Lancers. 

The  Corps  of  Guides  was  the  most  wonderful  of  the  new 
troops  raised  by  Sir  Henry  Lawrence.  It  will  be  remembered 
that,  while  still  a  subaltern,  he  had  recommended  the 
formation  of  such  a  corps,  and  as  Regent,  in  1846,  he  had 
been  able  to  carry  out  his  long-deferred  scheme,  starting 
with  a  single  troop  of  horse  and  two  companies  of  infantry, 
and  Lieutenant  Lumsden  (afterwards  General  Sir  Harry 
Lumsden)  was  placed  in  command.  "  The  grand  object 
of  the  corps,"  to  quote  Major  Hodson,  who  helped  Law- 
rence to  raise  the  Guides,  "is  to  train  a  body  of  men  in 
peace  to  be  efficient  in  war ;  not  only  to  be  acquainted  with 
localities,  roads,  rivers,  hills,  ferries,  and  passes,  but  have 
a  good  idea  of  the  produce  and  supplies  available  in  any 
part  of  the  country ;  to  give  accurate  information,  not 
running  open-mouthed  to  say  that  10,000  horsemen  and  a 
thousand  guns  are  coming  (in  true  native  style),  but  to 
stop  to  see  whether  it  may  not  be  really  only  a  common 


The  Punjab  Board  163 

cart  and  a  few  wild  horsemen  who  are  kicking  up  the  dust ; 
to  call  twenty-five  by  its  right  name,  and  not  say  fifty  for 
short,  as  most  natives  do.  This,  of  course,  wants  a  great 
deal  of  careful  instruction  and  attention.  Beyond  this 
the  officers  should  give  a  tolerably  correct  sketch  and 
report  of  any  country  through  which  they  may  pass,  be 
au  fait  at  routes  and  means  of  feeding  troops,  and  above 
all — and  here  you  come  close  upon  practical  duties — keep 
an  eye  on  the  doings  '  of  the  neighbours  '  and  the  state  of 
the  country,  so  as  to  be  able  to  give  such  information  as 
may  lead  to  any  outbreak  being  nipped  in  the  bud."1 
Lumsden  laid  down  as  requirements  for  his  cavalry,  not 
only  proved  courage  and  good  horsemanship,  but  that 
every  trooper  must  also  be  "  a  good  horsemaster,  whose 
horse  is  as  the  apple  of  his  eye." 

The  Corps  of  Guides  was  increased  to  a  thousand  men  and 
was  recruited  along  the  frontier  regardless  of  race,  caste, 
or  creed.  The  pay  was  good ;  a  pension  provided  for  the 
future ;  the  prospect  of  fighting  and  excitement  was  as 
promising  as  could  be  desired  by  the  most  fastidious  Pathan, 
and,  above  all,  the  corps  was  to  be  select.  None  but  men 
noted  for  pluck,  endurance,  local  knowledge,  and  presence 
of  mind  could  wear  the  khaki  of  the  Guides.  As  to  moral 
character,  that  was  another  story. 

To  stiffen  the  corps  Sir  Henry  asked  Jung  Bahadur  for 
permission  to  recruit  a  number  of  Gurkhas,  and  a  company 
of  these  tough  little  warriors  was  formed.  It  was  thought 
that  their  known  loyalty  would  be  a  safeguard  against 
possible  treachery  or  impatience  of  discipline — failings  too 
common  among  the  tribesmen. 

But  the  corps  has  ever,  even  in  time  of  greatest  trial, 
proved  its  trustworthiness.  Though  composed  of  many 
races  and  religions,  no  race  or  sect  can  claim  precedence  in 
respect  to  loyalty  and  courage. 

1  Captain  Trotter,  A  Leader  of  Light  Horse,  p.  58. 


164         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

As  an  illustration  of  the  manner  in  which  recruiting  was 
carried  on  in  those  early  days,  and  of  the  kind  of  men  who 
have  made  the  name  of  the  Guides  so  renowned,  the 
following  anecdotes  may  be  related. 

Shortly  after  the  raising  of  the  corps  a  notorious  free- 
booter, Fateh  Khan,  kept  the  Guides  fruitlessly  employed 
for  many  weary  months : — 

But  ever  a  blight  on  their  labours  lay 

And  ever  their  quarry  would  vanish  away; 

The  word  of  a  scout, — a  march  by  night, 

A   rush  through  the  mist, — a  scattering  fight, 

The  flare  of  a  village, — the  tally  of  slain 

And  .  .  .  the  [Khan]  was  abroad  on  the  raid  again. 

In  despair  Lumsden  despatched  a  message  conveying  his 
admiration  and  esteem  for  the  robber  chief  and  his  band, 
pointing  out  how  injurious  this  exasperating  species  of 
warfare  must  be  to  the  tempers  and  morals  of  all  concerned, 
and  explaining  how  charmed  he  would  be  to  appoint  Fateh 
Khan  as  Ressaldar  and  to  take  over  all  his  men  into  the 
Guides  Cavalry.  The  desperadoes  accepted  the  offer  and 
distinguished  themselves  greatly. 

Thirty  years  later  the  Guides  Cavalry  surprised  a  body  of 
Afghan  horse  at  Ali  Musjid.  Many  of  these  broke  through 
and  galloped  for  their  lives,  but  one  man  soon  changed  his 
horse's  pace  to  a  walk,  and,  turning  round,  shook  his  sword 
in  defiance  of  the  levelled  carbines.  The  colonel,  Sir 
Francis  Jenkins,  at  once  bade  his  men  cease  fire  and,  riding 
forward,  called  out : 

"  Who  are  you  that  care  so  little  for  your  life?  " 

"  I  am  Sultan  Jan  Kazilbash,"  was  the  reply,  "  and  I 
don't  care  a  bunch  of  grapes  for  you  and  your  Guides." 

"  You're  a  d —  -  brave  man,  anyway,"  said  the  colonel. 
"  Turn  your  horse  and  join  my  regiment." 

"  Well,  so  I  will,"  Sultan  Jan  replied,  and  straightway 
rode  into  the  ranks  of  his  late  enemies,  took  the  oath  of 


The  Punjab  Board  165 

allegiance  to  the  Great  Queen,  and  fought  for  her  throughout 
the  Afghan  War. 

The  Corps  of  Guides  quickly  justified  Lawrence's  youth- 
ful recommendations,  and  in  actions  too  numerous  to  be 
related  here  they  have  maintained  their  brilliant  reputation. 

A  police  force  of  more  than  fifteen  thousand  men  was 
raised,  more  than  half  of  whom  were  military  police. 
Their  duties  were  to  keep  the  peace  in  disturbed  districts, 
to  break  up  dacoit  bands,  to  patrol  the  ever-lengthening 
highways,  to  protect  the  traveller  from  the  horrors  of  the 
mysterious,  semi-religious  epidemic  of  Thuggee,  to  bring 
its  devotees  to  justice — and  here  John  Lawrence's  detective 
faculty  was  brought  into  play — and,  in  short,  to  make 

.  .  .  sure  to  each  his  own, 
That  he  reap  where  he  hath  sown. 

In  the  second  year  of  the  Board's  administration  the 
number  of  dacoits  sentenced  to  death  had  fallen  to  25 
per  cent,  of  the  previous  year's  total,  and  by  the  end  of 
the  third  year  dacoity  had  practically  ceased  to  exist  in 
the  Punjab.  In  his  Minute  of  May  1853,  the  Governor- 
General  asserted  that  "  life  and  property  are  now,  and  have 
for  some  time  been,  more  secure  within  the  bounds  of  the 
Punjab,  which  we  have  held  only  for  four  years,  than  they 
are  in  the  province  of  Bengal,  which  has  been  ours  for 
nearly  a  century."  x 

Under  Ranjit  Singh  the  cultivator  and  the  trader  had 
been  mercilessly  exploited  for  the  benefit  of  the  army,  and 
John  Lawrence  was  not  slow  to  perceive  that  the  duties 
levied  on  every  commodity  were  ruining  the  country's 
chance  of  prosperity.  He  wanted  money  for  public  works 
on  a  grand  scale,  to  raise  the  Punjab  from  the  state  to  which 
it  had  been  brought  by  fifty  years'  continuous  fighting. 
He  was  ambitious,  not  only  to  make  both  ends  meet  in 
spite  of  the  unavoidably  heavy  expense  of  the  new  adminis- 
1  Captain  Trotter's  Life  of  Lord  Dalhousie,  p.  ioo. 


1 66         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

tration,  but  also  to  hand  over  a  surplus.  Moreover — most 
powerful  of  all  motives — he  wished  to  promote  the  welfare 
of  the  millions  for  whom  he  was  responsible. 

He  urged  and  secured  the  abolition  of  taxes  on  at  least 
forty  articles,  and  relied  for  his  chief  source  of  revenue  upon 
the  land-tax.  The  wisdom  of  his  fiscal  policy  was  soon 
apparent:  in  spite  of  the  lighter  assessment  the  Punjab 
began  to  pay  its  way ;  the  revenue  before  long  increased 
by  50  per  cent.,  and  his  dream  of  a  surplus  was  more 
than  realised.  At  the  end  of  the  first  three  years  the 
Punjab  had  made  a  profit  of  more  than  a  million  sterling. 
Foremost  of  the  public  works  undertaken  by  the  Board 
were  the  extension  of  the  Grand  Trunk  Road  from  Delhi 
to  Peshawar,  a  stretch  of  seven  hundred  miles,  and  the  con- 
struction of  a  highway  from  Lahore  to  Multan,  and  of  the 
Bari  Doab  Canal,  a  boon  conferred  upon  the  cultivators  of 
the  most  important  and  most  populous  district  of  the 
Punjab.  Colonel  Robert  Napier,  who  had  been  brought  in 
by  Sir  Henry  as  chief  engineer,  with  Lieutenant  Alec 
Taylor  and  Lieutenant  Dyas  as  assistants,  carried  out  the 
schemes  of  the  Board  in  such  wise  that  his  roads  and 
canals  are  still  accounted  among  the  greatest  works  in 
Asia.  The  Bari  Doab  Canal  with  its  numerous  arteries 
comprises  a  length  of  considerably  more  than  a  thousand 
miles. 

No  one  taking  an  interest  in  the  Lawrence  government 
of  the  Punjab — from  the  time  of  Henry's  first  appointment 
there  as  "  Regent  " — can  fail  to  be  struck  by  the  way  in 
which  names  destined  to  be  famous  crop  up  in  every  dis- 
trict and  every  branch  of  the  Punjab  service.  Hardly  a 
name,  be  it  of  subaltern  or  deputy-assistant,  but  brings 
before  the  mind  some  scene,  crowned  by  success,  with 
which  its  owner  is  peculiarly  identified.  Edwardes  at 
Multan  and  at  Peshawar ;  Robert  Napier  of  Magdala  ;  his 
assistant,  Alexander  Taylor,  before  Delhi,  calmly  planning 


The  Punjab  Board  167 

and  carrying  out  the  works  which  destroyed  all  hope  of 
the  Mutiny's  success ;  Montgomery  at  Lahore  ;  "  Uncle  "  x 
Abbott  among  the  wild  men  of  the  North  Country  whom 
his  goodness  had  tamed  ;  John  Nicholson  wherever  the  fight 
was  fiercest  and  the  need  greatest — -but  the  roll  is  too  long. 
It  was  not  chance  that  flung  them  into  the  Punjab  at  an 
early  age.  Never  did  the  Lawrences  forget,  never  did  they 
underestimate,  how  much  they  owed  to  their  assistants ; 
nor  did  their  disciples  permit  any  one  to  remain  in  ignorance 
of  the  debt  they  owed  to  the  wise  and  patient  and  Christian 
training  of  their  chiefs. 

After  three  years'  work  the  Board  was  able  to  report 
that  "  1349  miles  OI  road  have  been  cleared  and  con- 
structed ;  2487  miles  have  been  traced,  and  5272  miles 
surveyed,  all  exclusive  of  minor  cross  and  branch  roads."  2 
Waste  lands  were  reclaimed ;  trees  were  planted  by  the 
million  and  existing  forests  preserved ;  the  peasant's 
claims  to  his  fields  were  satisfied ;  the  breeds  of  cattle 
and  horses  were  improved ;  tobacco,  cotton,  tea,  sugarcane, 
and  other  crops  were  introduced  from  Bengal,  and  all 
industries  encouraged.  Before  a  Lawrence  first  wielded 
power  in  the  Punjab  the  land  was  practically  roadless. 
Now  town  was  joined  to  town  and  village  to  village  by  the 
highways  that  ran  out  north,  south,  east,  and  west,  across 
rivers  and  canals,  through  jungle  and  desert;  and  it  came 
to  pass  that  the  people  of  the  Punjab  blessed  the  name  of 
Lawrence;  and  the  brothers  thanked  God  that  they  had 
such  good  men  to  carry  out  and  improve  their  schemes, 
and  to  suggest  and  initiate  others  of  their  own.  And 
Lord  Dalhousie  visited  the  Punjab,3  saw  the  convincing 

1  General  Jas.  Abbott. 

2  Quoted  by  Mr.  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  264. 

3  It  has  been  said  with  truth  that  had  Lord  Dalhousie  possessed 
the  gift  of  sympathetic  imagination  in  a  greater  degree  he  would 
have  been  an  even  greater  Governor-General.  But  it  must  not  be 
supposed  that  in  an  ordinary  capacity  he  would  have  been  thought 


i  68         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

evidences  of  prosperity,  and  was  impressed  by  the  good 
order  and  the  respect  shown  to  the  law.  He  was  proud 
of  his  "  pet  province  "  and  of  the  men  who  had  served 
the  state  so  well.  In  the  older  "Regulation"  provinces 
progress  had  been  slow;  the  Punjab,  where  greater  diffi- 
culties had  been  anticipated,  rushed  to  the  front  and 
stayed  there. 

But  a  price  had  to  be  paid  for  success.  The  working- 
days  of  the  staff  were  not  limited  to  the  hours  popularly 
associated  with  Government  offices  at  home.  John 
Lawrence  was  without  doubt  the  hardest  worked  of  all, 
and  luckily  he  was  the  best  able  to  bear  the  strain.  Yet 
even  he  had  to  give  in  at  last,  but  not  until  he  was  near 
to  death.  Sir  Henry,  who  had  never  recovered  from  the 
Burmese  fever,  was  the  first  to  succumb.  The  "  Punjabis  " 
were  no  shirkers,  but  one  assistant  after  another  had  to  be 
sent  away  to  the  hills  or  home  to  England ;  and  John 
remained  at  his  desk  uncomplaining,  doing  the  work  of 
two,  then  of  three,  then  of  half  a  dozen,  with  his  wife  as 
private  secretary. 

Sir  Henry  sought  relief  in  travel,  examining  the  progress 
of  the  new  works,  paying  visits  to  the  chiefs  and  headmen, 
inspecting  his  Irregulars  who  were  shepherding  the  frontier, 
testing  the  work  of  his  subalterns  from  Multan  to  Hazara, 
from  Peshawar  to  Amballa,  giving  them  sound  advice 
and  that  meed  of  praise  for  good  work  which  he  never 
withheld;  and  the  young  men  of  the  Punjab  worshipped 
him.  In  this  way  he  could  make  the  best  use  of  that  rare 
gift,  described  by  Mr.  Merivale,  as  "  his  singular  power  of 

so  deficient  in  that  quality.  In  the  course  of  this  Punjab  tour  he 
visited  Dhulip  Singh  at  Lahore,  and  was  touched  by  the  "  winning 
grace  "  of  the  boy-maharaja,  and  when  he  was  greeted  with  a 
"  bright  smile  "  and  the  words  "  I  am  very  happy  to  see  you  here," 
Dalhousie  thought  of  all  the  boy  had  lost  through  his  instrumentality, 
"  and  for  a  moment  my  words  were  checked,  and  I  could  not  help 
putting  my  arm  round  his  neck  and  drawing  him  to  me." — Lee 
Warner's  Life  of  the  Marquis  of  Dalhousie,  vol.  i.  p.  278. 


The  Punjab  Board  169 

attracting  to  him  those  among  whom  he  lived,  and 
especially  those  he  commanded."  Perhaps  the  most 
wonderful  feature  of  the  Punjab  administration  was  its 
tone,  and  for  this  the  magic  of  Sir  Henry's  personality 
was  responsible. 

Without  doubt  such  an  arrangement  was  good  for  the 
Punjab,  but  it  bore  hardly  upon  John,  who  would  also 
have  preferred  the  free  and  roaming  life,  "  thirty  to  forty 
miles  a  day  on  horseback,"  to  his  never-ending  office  work 
in  Lahore.  But  each  brother  was  doing  what  was  best 
for  the  state.  Though  loved  by  many  and  admired  by  all, 
John  Lawrence  did  not  possess  his  brother's  magnetic 
personality;  the  influence  that  caused  the  arrogant  Sikh 
for  the  first  time  in  his  life  to  desire  to  gain  approbation 
for  its  own  sake  was  not  John's  to  wield.  Not  only  did 
the  more  influential  among  the  Punjabis  love  Henry 
Lawrence  above  all  men,  they  also  feared  him  more,  being 
convinced  of  his  power  as  well  as  of  his  goodness,  and 
John  readily  admitted  that  his  brother  had  "  a  stronger 
grip  of  men."  By  his  tours  from  end  to  end  of  the  land, 
therefore,  the  President  of  the  Board  learned  still  more 
of  the  conditions  of  his  people — how  his  measures  had 
affected  the  well-being  of  the  people,  in  what  manner 
further  improvements  could  best  be  made,  and  where  it 
might  be  wise  to  ease  the  pressure  of  some  too-rigorous 
reform.  His  subjects,  having  thorough  confidence  in  their 
ruler's  wish  to  further  their  interests,  told  him  more  than 
they  would  have  revealed  to  any  other  man,  and  they 
knew  him  well  enough  to  perceive  the  folly  of  any  attempt 
to  impose  upon  him. 

On  the  other  hand  John  easily  surpassed  his  brother 
in  finance,  in  his  mastery  of  details  and  of  all  business 
matters.  An  impressive  and  dogged  worker,  less  emotional 
and  impulsive,  his  mind,  equally  with  his  body,  was  better 
equipped  to  defy  the  effects  of  overwork.     In  the  years 


170         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

immediately  following  the  annexation,  Sir  Henry's  ex- 
ceptional insight  into  Oriental  character,  his  personal 
acquaintance  with  the  people  and  with  his  assistants 
in  their  own  homes,  was  all-important.  He  acted  in 
accordance  with  the  advice  he  gave  to  subordinates. 

"...  I  hope  you  always  bear  in  mind  that  in  a  new 
country,  especially  a  wild  one,  promptness,  accessibility, 
brevity,  and  kindliness  are  the  best  engines  of  government. 
To  have  as  few  forms  as  possible  1  ...  to  be  considerate 
and  kind,  not  expecting  too  much  from  ignorant  people ; 
to  make  no  change,  unless  certain  of  decided  improvement 
in  the  substitute ;  light  assessment,  considering  the  claims 
and  privileges,  even  when  somewhat  extravagant,  of  the 
privileged  classes,  especially  where  they  affect  Government, 
and  not  Ryots  [peasants]."2 

But  as  the  country  became  more  settled,  and  as,  thanks 
largely  to  the  personal  intercourse,  the  Punjabis  gained 
confidence  in  the  good  faith  of  the  dominant  race ;  as  the 
assistants,  inspired  by  the  example  of  their  chief,  grew 
better  able  to  stand  alone,  the  routine  work  increased  and 
overshadowed  the  personal;  and  then  John  Lawrence  was 
found  to  be  more  in  touch  with  the  business  of  the  state, 
and  of  the  two  brothers  he  was  indispensable. 

When  the  Board  had  been  in  existence  rather  more  than 
twelve  months  Sir  Henry,  already  enfeebled,  and  quite 
unfit  to  support  a  summer  in  the  plains,  applied  for  per- 
mission to  recruit  in  the  Kashmir  highlands,  where,  though 
on  pleasure  bent,  he  proposed  to  acquaint  himself  with 
the  methods  of  government  employed  by  his  old  acquaint- 
ance, Gulab  Singh. 

"...  I  need  not  assure  you,"  wrote  Lord '  Dalhousie, 
who  was  plainly  anxious  lest  the  extra  burden  should  prove 

1  In  later  years  the  complaint  has  been  that  the  Punjab  is  cursed 
by  overmuch  law  to  the  undoing  of  the  immutable  ryot  and  to  the 
profit  of  the  money-lender  to  whom  his  fields  are  mortgaged. 

*  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  172. 


The  Punjab  Board  171 

too  much  for  John,  "  that  I  have  personally  every  desire 
to  assent  to  what  may  be  for  your  benefit ;  but,  however 
much  I  might  wish  to  consent  to  measures  advantageous 
to  your  health,  I  am  bound  to  say  in  candour  that  I  could 
only  consent  to  this  scheme  this  year,  in  the  hope  and 
belief  that  it  will  render  such  absence  unnecessary  in 
future  years.  .  .  .  Your  absence  will  necessarily  confine 
at  present  the  other  members  at  Lahore.  Of  Mr.  Mansel's 
habits  I  know  nothing;  but  it  is  impossible  that,  after  the 
active  movements  of  your  brother's  life  for  so  many  years, 
imprisonment  in  one  place  can  be  otherwise  than  bad  for 
him.  Previous  to  your  departure,  therefore,  before  the 
rains,  I  would  request  that  he  would  come  up  to  Simla, 
and  meet  me  there."1 

John  Lawrence  was  at  length  constrained  to  go  to  Simla 
for  a  fortnight,  beyond  which  time  Lord  Dalhousie  could 
not  persuade  him  to  stay  away  from  his  work.  He  himself 
was  granting  no  leave  except  sick-leave — and  that  only  in 
really  urgent  cases — and  though  he  had  gone  to  the  hills 
on  the  command  of  his  chief,  he  would  make  no  exception 
to  his  rule.  He  refused  a  holiday  to  the  Governor-General's 
near  relative,  Lord  W.  Hay,  though  a  feeler  was  put  forth 
by  Lord  Dalhousie  himself.  "  The  Punjab  head,"  wrote 
Mr.  Bosworth  Smith,  "  came  to  be  a  proverbial  expression 
for  the  break-down  which  was  the  result  of  overwork." 

At  last  even  the  strongest  of  all  had  to  pay  the  penalty. 
In  October  1850  John  Lawrence  broke  down  completely, 
his  life  being  in  danger ;  and  once  more  he  rallied  by  force 
of  will,  and  within  little  more  than  a  week  was  able  to  start 
on  a  six  months'  tour  with  the  Governor-General,  whose 
esteem  he  had  completely  won.  "  I  am  terrified  at  the 
thought  of  your  being  compelled  to  give  up  work,"  Lord 
Dalhousie  wrote  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  collapse,  "... 
and  I  plead  with  you  to  spare  yourself  for  a  time  as 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  158. 


172         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjah 

earnestly  as  I  would  plead  to  save  my  own  right 
hand." » 

He  retired  again  to  Simla  where  his  wife  and  children 
were,  and  broke  down  again  even  in  that  refuge.  The 
doctors  agreed  that  he  must  leave  India,  but  he  refused  to 
take  their  advice.  "  I  have  made  up  my  mind  not  to  go 
home,"  he  informed  Lord  Dalhousie,  who  feared  for  his 
life.  "  It  would,  I  think,  be  suicidal  in  me,  at  my  age  and 
with  the  claims  my  children  have  on  me,  to  do  so.  My 
health  is  very  uncertain ;  I  do  not  think  that  I  have  more 
than  three  or  four  years  of  good  honest  work  left  in  me. 
In  May  1855  I  shall  have  served  my  time,  and  be  entitled 
to  my  annuity,  and,  by  that  time,  I  shall  have  saved  a 
sufficiency  for  my  own  moderate  wants  and  to  bring  up 
my  children.  Without  making  up  my  mind  absolutely  to 
retire  at  that  period,  I  wish  to  be  in  a  position  to  be  able 
to  do  so."  2 

Little  did  he  anticipate  the  future. 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  31 1.  2  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  315. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

(1850-1852) 

THE    DERRY    SCHOOLFELLOWS 

The  Koh-i-nur — Robert  Montgomery — Story  of  a  Christmas  Box — 
Gulab  Singh  and  the  Lawrence  Asylums. 

The  simplicity  of  the  brothers  in  affairs,  which  by  many 
would  be  considered  of  the  highest  importance,  is  clearly 
illustrated  by  Mr.  Bosworth  Smith's  story  of  their  adven- 
ture with  the  Koh-i-nur.  Among  the  state  jewels  of  the 
Sikh  court  was  this  famous  "  Mountain  of  Light,"  which, 
after  passing  from  the  Mogul  to  the  Persian,  and  thence  to 
the  Afghan  from  whom  it  was  wrested  by  Ranjit  Singh,  was 
now  to  be  presented  to  Queen  Victoria.  The  diamond  was 
placed  in  the  charge  of  Sir  Henry,  who,  deeming  his  brother 
the  stronger  and  more  practical  guardian,  entrusted  it  to 
John,  who  pocketed  the  little  box  and  straightway  forgot  it. 

Some  weeks  later  came  an  official  letter  from  Lord  Dal- 
housie  ordering  that  the  diamond  be  sent  at  once  to  her 
Majesty.  The  President  received  the  message  during  a 
meeting  of  the  Board,  and  John  advised  him  to  send  it 
off  promptly. 

"  Why,  you've  got  it,"  said  the  senior  member. 

John's  clear  intellect  took  in  the  full  horror  of  the  situa- 
tion, and  he  feared  he  was  a  ruined  man,  for  the  gem  had 
never  been  seen  by  him  since  the  day  it  had  been  given 
into  his  keeping. 

Crimes  without  number  had  been  committed  for  jewels 
not  a  quarter  its  value,  and  who  would  believe  his  story — 

173  M 


1 74         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

that  he  had  forgotten  its  existence  and  flung  it  aside  in  the 
pocket  of  an  old  waistcoat?  The  Koh-i-nur  was  enough 
to  tempt  any  man — to  madden,  to  intoxicate,  even  the 
most  upright.  Of  what  avail  then  to  rely  upon  his  known 
integrity?  His  story  might  be  officially  believed,  but  he 
knew  that  men  would  shake  their  heads  and  regard  him 
askance. 

Yet  without  a  sign  of  perturbation  he  casually  replied : 
"  Oh  yes,  of  course,  I  forgot  all  about  it,"  and  calmly  pro- 
ceeded to  discuss  the  business  before  the  meeting  with  all 
his  usual  alertness  and  without  sign  of  preoccupation. 
But  we  can  guess  how  he  longed  for  the  end — how  he 
hurried  in  search  of  his  servant,  who  chanced  to  remember 
taking  a  small  box  from  his  master's  discarded  clothes. 
He  explained  where  he  had  put  the  worthless  box  containing 
the  bit  of  glass,  and  the  Koh-i-nur  was  safe. 

In  November  1850  Mr.  Mansel  had  been  appointed 
Resident  of  Nagpur,  and  the  vacant  place  at  the  Board  had 
been  filled  by  Mr.  Robert  Montgomery,  Commissioner  of 
Lahore,  a  Derry  schoolfellow  of  the  Lawrences.  On 
Christmas  Day  185 1  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Lawrence 
entertained  their  colleagues  to  dinner. 

"  I  wonder,"  exclaimed  the  President  abruptly,  "what 
the  two  poor  old  Simpsons  are  doing  at  this  moment,  and 
whether  they  have  had  any  better  dinner  than  usual 
to-day?  " 

Naturally  enough,  the  coincidence  had  caused  their 
thoughts  to  revert  to  the  days  at  Foyle  College  where  "  the 
two  poor  old  Simpsons  "  had  been  ushers. 

"  I'll  tell  you  what  we'll  do,"  Sir  Henry  proposed.  "  The 
Simpsons  must  be  very  old,  and,  I  should  think,  nearly 
blind ;  they  cannot  be  well  off ;  let  us  each  put  down  fifty 
pounds  and  send  it  to  them  to-morrow  as  '  a  Christmas-box 
from  a  far-off  land,  with  the  good  wishes  of  three  of  their 
old  pupils,  now  members  of  the  Punjab  Board  of  Admini- 


The  Derry  Schoolfellows  175 

stration  at  Lahore.'  "  The  others  readily  agreed,  and  Sir 
George  Lawrence,  who  had  lately  become  Political  Agent 
at  Meywar,  also  sent  on  his  contribution. 

The  reply,  "  almost  illegible  from  the  writer's  tears,"  has 
unhappily  been  lost,  but  Mr.  Bosworth  Smith  has  been 
able  to  record  1  "its  general  drift  and  its  most  salient 
points.  It  began :  '  My  dear  kind  boys ;  '  but  the  pen  of 
the  old  man  had  afterwards  been  drawn  through  the  word 
'  boys  '  and  there  had  been  substituted  for  it  the  word 
'  friends.'  It  went  on  to  thank  the  donors  for  their  most 
generous  gift,  which  would  go  far  to  keep  them  from  want 
during  the  short  time  that  might  be  left  to  them ;  but,  far 
above  the  actual  value  of  the  present,  was  the  preciousness 
of  the  thought  that  they  had  not  been  forgotten  by  their 
old  pupils,  in  what  seemed  to  be  the  very  high  position  to 
which  they  had  risen.  He  did  not  know  what  the  '  Board 
of  Administration  '  meant,  but  he  felt  sure  it  was  some- 
thing very  important ;  and  he  added  with  childlike  sim- 
plicity, that  he  had  looked  out  the  Punjab  in  '  the  old 
school  atlas  '  which  they  had  so  often  used  together,  but  he 
could  not  find  either  it  or  Lahore.  ...  It  only  remains 
to  be  added  that  the  writer  of  the  letter,  old  as  he  was,  lived 
on  till  he  saw  one  of  his  three  pupils  in  the  flesh  once  more ; 
and  that,  when  the  citizens  of  Londonderry  were  giving  a 
banquet  to  Sir  Robert  Montgomery,  who  had  just  then 
returned  from  India,  with  the  honours  of  the  Mutiny  thick 
upon  him,  the  half-blind  old  schoolmaster  managed,  with 
the  help  of  a  ticket  that  had  been  given  him,  to  be  present 
also  .  .  .  and  it  may  safely  be  asserted  that,  by  this  time, 
he  hardly  needed  to  look  into  '  the  old  school  atlas  '  to  find 
where  the  Punjab  lay;  for  it  was  from  the  Punjab  that 
India  had  been  saved,  and  it  was  to  his  three  old  pupils 
and  benefactors,  Henry  Lawrence,  John  Lawrence,  and 
Robert  Montgomery,  that  its  salvation  was  admitted  to  be 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  321-323. 


176         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

chiefly  due."  Well  founded  was  the  sister's  boast  that 
Henry  "  never  lost  sight  of  any  one  in  whom  he  had  taken 
the  slightest  interest." 

The  cares  of  his  high  office  had  not  caused  Sir  Henry's 
interest  in  philanthropic  work  to  wane.  His  zeal  for  the 
salvation  of  the  white  children  in  India  was  as  ardent  as 
ever,  and  while  President  of  the  Punjab  Board  he  was 
placed  in  a  peculiarly  embarrassing  situation  by  the  offer 
of  donations  from  natives  of  rank  towards  the  up-keep  of 
his  asylum.  Much  good  might  be  done  with  the  money, 
and  he  hoped  that  the  offers  had  been  prompted  by  good- 
feeling  towards  himself,  and  were  expressions  of  a  desire  on 
the  part  of  the  donors  to  identify  themselves  with  the 
interests  of  the  dominant  race,  now  that  the  sense  of 
humiliation  had  become  less  poignant.  He  was  naturally 
reluctant  to  risk  a  conversion  of  would-be  friends  into 
decided  foes  by  appearing  to  snub  any  such  manifestation 
of  good-feeling,  and,  inclined  to  accept,  he  asked  the 
Governor-General's  approval.  The  reply  was  unfavour- 
able, and  the  danger  of  misunderstanding,  pointed  out  by 
Lord  Dalhousie,  must  be  admitted. 

Paying  a  sincere  tribute  to  his  lieutenant's  "  integrity 
and  honour,"  which  "  would  prevent  your  ever  taking  a 
gift  for  the  Asylum  under  circumstances  which  would  inter- 
fere with  your  public  duty,"  he  urged  that  the  acceptance 
of  the  offers  could,  and  would,  be  easily  misinterpreted ; 
that  the  inevitable  caviller  would  be  sure  to  aver  that  the 
donors  were  purchasing  the  favour  of  their  unsuspicious 
ruler.  "  I  do  not  believe,"  the  letter  went  on  to  say,  "  that 
any  one  of  the  chiefs  contributes  to  such  an  institution  as 
the  Asylum,  from  which  they  and  theirs  derive  no  direct 
benefit,  except  from  a  desire  to  please  you,  and  to  gain 
favour  with  the  local  or  Supreme  Government.  I  think 
your  detractors  will  very  probably  try  to  represent  that 
you  are  using  your  official  position  virtually  to  obtain  sup- 


The  Derry  Schoolfellows  177 

port  for  an  object  in  which  you  take  a  strong  personal 
interest  from  persons  who  are  under  your  authority.  .  .  ."  1 

Having  suffered  many  rebukes  at  the  hands  of  his  chief, 
Sir  Henry  probably  classed  this  letter  as  an  additional 
rebuff,  perhaps  less  objectionable  in  tone.  But  Lord 
Dalhousie  was  the  wiser  of  the  two  in  his  conclusions, 
and  there  is  no  reason  to  imagine  any  motive  beyond  a 
desire  to  shield  his  "  touchy  "  subordinate  from  the  possibly 
unpleasant  consequences  of  his  own  impulsiveness.  That 
he  was  not  wholly  right  with  regard  to  facts  was  proved 
in  the  following  year,  when  Gulab  Singh  gave  a  big  donation 
to  the  asylum  after  Sir  Henry's  removal  to  Rajputana, 
whence  his  influence  could  no  longer  be  of  use  to  the 
Maharaja  of  Kashmir.  Though  the  gift  was  made  "  from 
a  desire  to  please  "  his  benefactor,  it  could  not  have  been 
in  order  "  to  gain  favour." 

The  extracts  hitherto  given  from  the  correspondence 
between  the  Governor-General  and  the  President  of  the 
Punjab  Board  have  been  indicative  of  strained  relations. 
This  is  perhaps  necessary  in  order  to  lead  up  to  the  sever- 
ance of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence's  connection  with  the  province 
with  which  his  name  will  always  be  coupled.  Not  all  the 
letters  that  passed  between  them,  however,  were  after 
this  fashion,  for  Lord  Dalhousie  had  a  high  regard  for  this 
lieutenant  whom  he  considered  impracticable.  He  could 
even  be  playful  with  him  on  occasion. 

In  the  early  days  of  1852  Lord  Stanley  (the  late  Earl  of 
Derby),  who  was  qualifying  for  his  future  position  by  a 
personal  acquaintance  with  Eastern  problems,  begged 
Sir  Henry's  permission  to  accompany  him  on  one  of  his 
tours  along  the  Afghan  border.  Lord  Dalhousie  feared 
lest  the  Afridis  and  the  wild  tribesmen  of  the  Derajat 
should  take  the  opportunity  to  pay  off  old  scores.  He 
wrote  to  warn  Sir  Henry : 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  169. 


1 78         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

"...  If  any  ill-starred  accident  should  happen,  it 
will  make  a  good  deal  of  difference  whether  it  happens  to 
Lord  Stanley  and  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  or  to  John  Tomkins 
and  Bill  Higgins  .  .  .  and,  altogether,  I  don't  like  it. 
One  can't  prohibit  a  man  going  where  he  wishes  to  go  in 
British  territory;  but  I  wish  you  would  put  him  off  it, 
if  you  possibly  can."  1 

But  under  the  aegis  of  Henry  Lawrence  the  traveller 
was  safe. 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  165-166. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
(1849-1853) 

INCOMPATIBLE  IDEALS 

Controversy  with  Sir  Charles  Napier — The  Shadow  of  the  Mutiny — 
The  Jaghirdars — Irreconcilable  Differences  of  Opinion  between 
the  Brothers — Both  offer  to  Resign — Lord  Dalhousie  accepts 
Henry's  Resignation — He  leaves  the  Punjab — Grief  of  the 
Natives. 

The  years  during  which  the  Punjab  was  administered  by 
the  Council  of  Three  were  marked  by  important  con- 
troversies. That  between  its  President  and  Lord  Dalhousie 
has  already  been  touched  upon ;  Sir  Charles  Napier's 
attacks  upon  the  Board,  and  the  painful,  but  honourable, 
disputes  between  the  brothers,  must  be  taken  in  their 
turn. 

The  fighting  general — conqueror  of  Sind  and  would- 
have-been  conqueror  of  the  Punjab  had  not  Gujerat  fore- 
stalled him — was  one  of  the  first  soldiers  of  the  age.  He 
was  the  hero  of  all  ranks  in  the  army,  and  deservedly  so ; 
and  though  his  writings  and  sayings — racy  and  candid  to 
a  fault — may  provoke  blended  amusement  and  protest, 
it  is  not  easy  to  regard  their  author  without  affection,  or 
at  least  without  an  inclination  to  "be  to  his  faults  a  little 
blind."  To  judge  Sir  Charles  Napier  by  his  own  writings 
or  by  his  brother's  violent  partiality  would  be  unfair. 
His  services  in  the  field  were  great;  he  governed  Sind 
with  justice  and  benevolence ;  and  it  should  ever  be 
remembered  in  his  favour  how  his  wise  humanity  saved 
more  than  one  large  town  of  the  North  of  England  from 

179 


180         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

civil  war  during  the  Chartist  agitation,  when,  as  general 
in  command  of  the  Northern  District,  he  resisted  the 
demands  and  ignored  the  threats  of  the  magistrates  and 
employers  of  labour,  who  were  urging  him  to  disperse  mobs 
with  the  bullet  and  the  bayonet;  and  he  dared  to  show 
sympathy  with  the  toilers.  He  invited  the  Chartist 
leaders  to  confer  with  him,  and,  by  holding  an  artillery 
display  for  their  benefit,  he  demonstrated  the  hopelessness 
of  their  cause  should  they  appeal  to  force.  They  were 
convinced  that  he  held  them  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand — 
convinced  also  that  for  all  his  sympathy  Napier  would 
do  his  duty  as  a  soldier  if  a  fight  should  be  forced  upon 
him.  But  the  Lawrences  did  not  know  this  side  of  the 
great  soldier's  character.  Sir  Henry's  opinion  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief  was  prejudiced  from  the  first  by  his 
sympathy  with  Outram  in  the  Sind  quarrel,  but  in  later 
life  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  judged  Napier  too 
harshly. 

Though  nearly  seventy  when  sent  out  to  supersede 
Lord  Gough,  Sir  Charles  was  as  energetic  as  any  subaltern 
and  as  impatient  of  restraint.  We  know  that  men  whose 
one  conspicuous  talent  has  been  allowed  by  their  fellows 
are  wont  sadly  to  reflect  that  the  world  is  slow  to  recognise 
their  possession  of  some  other  gift,  upon  which,  having 
it  not,  they  set  a  greater  value.  The  humorous  writer, 
to  whom  the  public  has  been  kind,  regrets  that  he  should 
be  esteemed  so  highly  on  that  account,  and  that  he  alone 
should  be  aware  of  the  great  superiority  of  his  more  serious 
work ;  and  the  actor  who  has  attained  success  in  comedy 
may  cherish  a  grudge  against  the  public  taste  that  will 
have  none  of  his  tragedy. 

So  the  new  Commander-in-Chief,  not  satisfied  with  the 
recognition  of  his  ever-victorious  generalship,  firmly 
believed  himself  a  heaven-born  statesman.  Too  late 
then  to  subdue  the  Khalsa,  he  made  no  attempt  to  conceal 


Incompatible  Ideals  i  8  I 

his  desire  to  govern  the  Sikh  people — as  an  autocrat,  not 
as  a  member  of  a  board.  Sir  Charles  Napier  was  no 
mountebank  posturing  to  dazzle  the  world,  but,  confident 
in  his  own  ability,  he  loved  to  overcome  obstacles  and  was 
not  content  to  stand  aside  and  watch  another  confront 
the  giant.  Incidentally  he  seems  to  have  entertained  some 
vague  hope  that  the  youthful  viceroy  might  be  induced 
to  depute  to  him  the  conduct  of  all  Indian  affairs,  military 
and  civil. 

He  was  quickly  disillusioned.  He  had  been  sent  to 
India  by  the  voice  of  the  nation,  against  the  wishes  of  the 
Company's  directors.  We  are  told  by  his  biographer l 
that  on  his  first  meeting  with  the  Governor-General  the 
latter  straightway  declared  war.  "  I  have  been  warned, 
Sir  Charles  Napier,"  said  he,  "  not  to  let  you  encroach 
upon  my  authority,  but  I  will  take  damned  good  care  you 
shall  not."  And  his  contempt  for  Lord  Dalhousie  became 
greater  than  for  the  Lawrences.  This  story  is,  however, 
hardly  consistent  with  Lord  Dalhousie 's  account  of  his 
first  impressions  of  Napier  as  recorded  in  his  diary.2  He 
liked  Napier,  "  never  had  a  more  agreeable  inmate  of  my 
house,"  and  believed  they  would  "  work  cordially  together," 
though  the  prominence  given  to  "Politicals"  in  the 
Punjab  "  is  enough,  in  Sir  Charles's  eyes,  to  damn  Utopia." 

"  Boards  rarely  have  any  talent,"  said  Napier,  and  he 
worked  to  the  end  that  a  military  government  should  be 
established  in  the  Punjab  on  the  lines  which,  as  he  stoutly 
maintained,  had  done  so  well  in  Sind.  Certainly  Napier's 
administration  of  the  Beluchi  possession  had  been  a  work 
of  genius,  but  the  idea  of  converting  their  Punjab  into 
another  Sind  roused  the  Lawrences  to  meet  the  attack  in 
characteristic  fashion.     Henry  rushed  forth  from  his  tent 

1  Life  of  Sir  Charles  James  Napier,  vol.  iv.  p.  195. 

2  Lee  Warner's  Life  of  the  Marquis  of  Dalhousie,  vol.  i.  p.  310. 


I  82         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

to  do  battle  with  the  challenger;  John  wrote  a  Minute, 
smiled  impassively,  and  went  on  with  his  work. 

"  I  would  rather  be  governor  of  the  Punjab  than  Com- 
mander-in-Chief," Sir  Charles  wrote  to  his  brother,  and 
explained  why  so  desirable  an  arrangement  was  impossible. 
"  Had  I  been  here  for  Lord  Dalhousie  to  put  at  the  head  of 
the  Punjab  I  believe  he  could  not  have  done  it ;  my  suspicion 
is  that  he  was  ordered  to  put  Lawrence  there."  l  Though 
he  drew  the  bow  at  a  venture  his  "  suspicion  "  was  not  very 
wide  of  the  mark.  When  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  went  home  in 
1847  ^  was  understood  that  the  chief  post  in  the  Punjab 
was  to  be  kept  open  for  him.  Had  Lord  Dalhousie  been 
quite  free  to  choose  his  own  lieutenant,  in  all  probability 
there  would  have  been  no  Board  of  Administration. 

Napier  assured  the  Governor-General  that  "  no  one  can 
entertain  a  higher  opinion  than  I  do  of  the  zeal,  energy, 
courage,  and,  in  some  cases,  of  the  abilities  "  of  the  members 
of  the  Board,  "  but  the  system  placed  them  in  a  wrong 
position,  and  their  personal  good  qualities  only  tended  to 
increase  difficulties  and  embarrass  the  Commander-in- 
Chief."2 

He  admitted  that  Henry  Lawrence  was  "  a  good  fellow," 
though  he  "doubted  his  capacity";  he  was  inclined  to 
think  John  clever,  "  but  a  man  may  have  good  sense  and 
yet  not  be  fit  to  rule  a  large  country."  After  a  visit  to 
Peshawar  during  the  Afridi  troubles  his  opinion  of  one 
member  of  the  Lawrence  family  seems  to  have  improved. 
"  Colonel  [George]  Lawrence  is  a  right  good  soldier  and  a 
right  good  fellow,  and  my  opinion  of  him  is  high;  but  he 
tried  the  advising  scheme  a  little  with  me  at  Kohat."  3 

This  last  sentence  gives  the  keynote  of  Napier's  character. 

He  wrote  a  treatise  on  "  Indian  Mis-government  "  in 
which  he  proved  to  his  own  satisfaction  that  India  was 

1  Life  of  Sir  Charles  James  Napier,  vol.  iv.  p.  168. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  177.  3  Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  281. 


Incompatible  Ideals  183 

going  to  the  dogs  and — particularly  in  the  Punjab — was 
governed  by  incompetents.  His  criticisms  were  always 
fearless,  generally  honest,  and  occasionally  justified.  The 
remedies  he  proposed  lost  much  of  their  claim  to  considera- 
tion through  the  picturesqueness  of  his  language.  John 
replied  officially  for  the  Board,  and  Henry  carried  the  war 
into  the  enemy's  country  by  the  medium  of  the  Calcutta 
Review. 

The  matter  of  the  Punjab  Frontier  Force  wrung  the 
withers  of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  who,  not  unnaturally, 
considered  that  all  the  troops,  irregulars  as  well  as  regulars, 
should  be  under  his  control.  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  who 
had  raised  the  efficient  little  army  that  was  to  behave  so  well 
in  1857,  and  contribute  so  greatly  to  the  crushing  of  the 
Mutiny,  thought  otherwise.  He  urged  that  his  irregulars 
should  rather  be  considered  as  military  police  to  keep  the 
peace  of  the  border  and  be  responsible  to  the  Board. 
John  Lawrence  stated  his  opinion  that  the  Board  had 
already  too  much  work,  and  that  he  should  prefer  the 
transfer  of  the  Frontier  Force  to  Sir  Charles  Napier.  At 
the  same  time  he  expressed  his  conviction  that  his  brother 
would  make  a  better  use  of  the  troops,  and  that,  should 
Lord  Dalhousie  decide  to  retain  them  under  the  Board,  the 
complete  control  should  be  given  to  Sir  Henry  personally. 

The  Governor-General  did  so  decide,  and  Sir  Henry  soon 
had  his  pick  of  the  Company's  officers  to  command  his 
regiments,  so  great  had  become  the  prestige  of  the  Punjab. 
Napier  did  not  regard  his  opponents  with  any  increase  of 
approval  after  this  rebuff,  and  whether  by  chance  or  by 
skill  in  his  search  for  the  weak  points  in  the  Lawrence  and 
Dalhousie  armour,  he  made  his  reputation  as  one  who  was 
also  among  the  prophets.  The  controversy  is  important  in 
that  it  affects  Sir  Henry's  right  to  be  considered  as  the  seer 
of  the  Mutiny.  It  is  certain  that  both  he  and  Napier  did 
utter  words  of  warning,  and  that  both  made  suggestions 


184         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

which  were  ignored.  But  Napier  holds  the  advantage,  for 
he  left  India  convinced  that  the  Oudh  regiments  would 
prove  untrustworthy  in  time  of  temptation,  whereas  Law- 
rence pooh-poohed  his  warnings  as  contradictory  and 
extravagant — as  they  certainly  were. 

Napier's  opinions  lost  in  weight  by  the  violence  of  his 
language,  his  evident  desire  to  discredit  the  Government  of 
India,  and  the  meddlesome  omniscience  that  impelled  him 
to  criticise  unfavourably  every  step  taken  without  his 
approval.  Sir  Henry's  vision  was  less  clear  than  usual 
because  his  pride  would  not  permit  him  to  agree  with  the 
conqueror  of  Sind.  The  very  fact  of  Napier's  advocacy 
would  render  any  theory  unsound  in  his  eyes ;  and  all  acts 
and  words  of  a  Lawrence  were  of  necessity  misguided  and 
weak  to  Napier.  Probably  neither  would  have  taken  quite 
the  line  he  did  take  had  his  opponent  been  any  other  man. 
Had  they  been  friends,  willing  to  combine  in  advocating 
the  reform  of  the  Indian  army — a  work  in  which  they 
would  have  had  Lord  Dalhousie's  support — the  Mutiny 
might  not  have  shaken  the  British  Raj  to  its  foundations. 
But  both  were  hindered  by  prejudice  and  both  were  in 
the  wrong. 

During  Napier's  short  tenancy  of  the  chief  command  in 
India,  the  66th  Bengal  Infantry  showed  a  mutinous  spirit. 
He  disbanded  the  regiment  and  gave  its  colours  and  designa- 
tion to  the  Nasiri  Gurkha  Battalion,  a  corps  of  irregulars 
who  were  glad  enough  to  become  enrolled  in  the  regular 
army  with  higher  pay.  He  justified  his  high-handed  action 
by  tracing  the  mutinous  spirit  to  "  the  dangerous  influence 
which  the  Brahman  supremacy  had  assumed,"  and  the 
lesson  of  the  Mutiny  proved  him  right. 

The  honourable  career  and  the  pension  offered  by  the 
Company  were  appreciated  by  Brahmans  and  Mohammedans 
alike,  and  the  poorbeahs  certainly  regarded  their  services  as 
indispensable.     Brahman  priests  had  said,  in  effect:    "  If 


Incompatible  Ideals  185 

we  choose  to  forbid  Hindus  to  enlist  what  would  become 
of  John  Company  then  ?  India  could  not  beheld."  There- 
fore, said  Sir  Charles  Napier  in  the  grandiloquent  language 
he  frequently  affected:  "  All  was  on  the  balance  when  I 
flung  the  Goorkha  battalion  into  the  scale,  as  Brennus  did 
his  sword,  and  mutiny,  having  no  Camillus,  was  crushed."  1 
And  again:  "...  with  the  Goorkha  race  we  can  so 
reinforce  our  Indian  army  that  our  actual  force  in  India 
would  be  greater  than  that  of  the  Sepoy  army,  numerous 
as  it  is."  2 

In  the  Calcutta  Review  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  controverted 
these  assertions,  and  stated,  from  his  personal  knowledge 
of  Nepal,  that  Gurkhas  were  less  useful  and  much  less 
numerous  than  Napier  seemed  to  imagine,  and  that  his 
notions  were  absurd. 

Both  were  right  and  both  wrong.  Napier  saw  the  danger 
and  proposed  a  remedy,  which,  modified  and  adapted,  would 
have  done  much  to  obviate  it,  for  the  Gurkhas  in  1857 
proved  that  Napier's  estimate  of  their  value  and  fidelity 
was  not  exaggerated,  and  England  would  have  been  glad 
if  the  four  battalions  had  been  eight.  When  the  army 
was  re-organised  after  the  Mutiny  Lawrence  was  found  to 
have  been  right  in  combating  Napier's  theory  that  Gurkhas 
could  take  the  place  of  Punjabi  and  Hindustani  sepoys. 
The  supply  was  too  limited,  the  men  are  too  small  and  short 
of  leg  for  the  cavalry  or  artillery,  and  they  stand  the  heat 
of  the  plains  no  better  than  the  white  man. 

The  Punjab  Board  breathed  more  freely  when  the  im- 
petuous soldier  resigned  and  departed  from  India's  shores 
with  "  the  piece  of  soap  and  two  towels  "  which  were 
popularly  understood  to  compose  his  full  campaigning  kit. 
Happily  for  "  the  Punjab  which  they  are  governing  so 

1  Life  of  Sir  Charles  James  Napier,  vol.  iv.  p.  263. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  248. 


i  86         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

badly,"  Lord  Dalhousie  was  as  completely  out  of  sympathy 
with  his  chief  soldier  as  were  the  Lawrences. 


In  their  antagonism  to  Napier's  revolutionary  schemes 
the  brothers  were  united ;  in  the  measures  adopted  for  the 
moral  and  material  welfare  of  their  province  they  were  not 
divided ;  but  with  regard  to  the  treatment  of  a  certain  class 
they  were  steadfastly  opposed.  For  a  time  there  was  hope 
that  a  working  compromise  might  be  found.  The  hope 
was  vain ;  their  views  diverged  more  and  more,  and  the 
situation  became  intolerable  to  the  two  great-hearted  men 
who  would  willingly  have  died  for  one  another. 

One  of  the  minor  points  at  issue  concerned  the  payment 
of  the  land-tax.  John  had  abolished  the  old  system  of 
payment  in  kind,  which  opened  the  way  to  many  abuses. 
The  cash-payment  was  approved  by  the  husbandmen  until, 
in  an  unusually  good  season,  the  crops  were  too  heavy  to 
be  easily  disposed  of,  and  permission  to  pay  in  kind  was 
requested  by  the  farmers.  Sir  Henry  was  moved  by  their 
pleading  and  did  not  see  why  exceptions  might  not  be  made. 
John  would  not  give  way;  he  appreciated  the  importance 
of  the  principle. 

They  were  also  at  variance  on  the  question  of  the  extent 
and  number  of  public  works  to  which  they  should  commit 
themselves.  Henry  Lawrence's  mind  was  intensely  con- 
servative and  progressive.  He  wished  to  push  onward 
regardless  of  cost,  and  his  more  cautious  brother  was 
compelled  to  check  his  ardour. 

Henry's  ideal  was  an  India  moving  forward  on  her  own 
lines  of  progress.  He  desired  that  the  alien  officials  should 
inculcate  English  honour  and  justice  and  honesty,  regard 
for  truth  and  love  of  duty,  embodying  those  ideals  in  the 
forms  of  government,  and  adapting  those  forms  to  Eastern 
modes  of  thought — to  supply  the  cloth  and  allow  her  to  cut 


Incompatible  Ideals  187 

it  to  her  own  fashion.1  John  Lawrence  and  Lord  Dal- 
housie  deemed  success  more  probable  if  they  could  bring 
Mahomet  to  the  mountain,  and  they  hoped  to  adapt  the 
natives  of  India  to  the  civilisation  of  the  West. 

But  they  differed  most  on  the  subject  of  the  treatment 
of  the  jaghirdars  of  the  Punjab,  a  question  that  affected 
to  a  greater  or  lesser  degree  almost  every  point  of  policy 
with  which  they  had  to  deal.  When  the  Norman  Conqueror 
had  vanquished  the  Saxons  he  made  grants  of  land  to  his 
nobles ;  so  Ran  jit  Singh,  as  his  dominion  grew,  gave  to  his 
favourite  soldiers  a  jaghir,  or  lien  upon  the  revenue  of  some 
district.  The  jaghir  dar,  or  holder  of  a  jaghir,  was  not  a 
landholder,  as  by  Eastern  custom  the  land  must  always 
belong  to  the  Crown ;  but  he  collected  the  land-tax  and, 
sometimes  remitting  a  fixed  sum  to  his  sovereign,  he  had 
power  to  squeeze  the  cultivator  to  any  extent.  In  return 
he  could  be  called  upon  to  render  military  service  to  his 
chief. 

This  method  of  revenue  assignment,  with  its  inevitable 
abuses,  could  not  be  tolerated  by  the  new  Government. 
Then  what  was  to  become  of  the  jaghirdars?  In  effect 
this  was  John  Lawrence's  solution.  The  jaghirdars  are  a 
bad  lot ;]  for  generations  they  have  robbed  the  peasants, 
and  now  is  their  turn  to  suffer.  The  people  will  gain  by 
the  extinction  of  jaghirs,  which  were  given  on  condition  of 
military  or  religious  service.  "  We  want  neither  their 
soldiers  nor  their  prayers." 

Sir  Henry,  granting  that  the  jaghirdars,  as  a  whole, 
were  not  particularly  lovable,  pointed  out  that  the  fault 
lay  with  the  custom  and  tradition  of  the  country.  The 
sirdars  and  jaghirdars  were  powerful  once;    now  they  are 

1  "  Henry  loved  all  men  great  and  small,  was  loved  by  them  in 
return,  did  not  believe  that  Indian  institutions  were  wholly  bad  or 
English  wholly  good.  .  .  .  John  had  no  belief  in  Indian  but  perfect 
faith  in  English  methods  of  rule." — Thorburn,  The  Punjab  in 
Peace  and  War,  p.  89. 


1 88         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

"down";  let  the  fall  be  gradual,  so  that  they  be  not 
humiliated  too  greatly.  By  all  means  improve  the 
condition  of  the  peasantry,  but  let  the  treasury  suffer  and 
the  coffers  of  the  Punjab  be  empty  rather  than  raise  up  on 
every  side  powerful  enemies  of  the  British  Raj,  ready  to 
take  the  first  opportunity  to  strike  at  the  uprooters  of 
their  honour. 

John  would  argue,  with  much  truth,  that  his  brother 
did  not  appreciate  the  full  significance  of  empty  coffers. 
Here  were  they  constructing  hundreds  of  miles  of  canals 
and  thousands  of  miles  of  roadway,  building  bridges,  and 
tanks,  dispensaries  and  schools,  maintaining  a  large 
frontier  force,  and  an  efficient  staff  in  every  district  to 
administer  justice  and  to  right  wrongs,  and  all  this  was 
expensive.  Empty  the  coffers  and  public  works  must  be 
stopped.  The  land-tax  had  been  lightly  assessed,  and 
though  this  would  pay  in  the  end,  if  the  jaghirdars  were 
also  to  be  satisfied  there  would  certainly  be  no  funds 
wherewith  to  carry  out  the  reforms  which  were  as  dear 
to  his  brother  as  to  himself.  And  he  intimated  that  he 
did  not  care  a  brass  farthing  for  the  enmity  of  either 
sirdars  or  jaghirdars.  They  could  do  little  harm  while 
the  mass  of  the  people  were  satisfied  with  the  new  regime. 

The  soldier-brother  understood  the  Oriental  well  enough 
to  dread  lest  any  humiliation  of  the  aristocracy  should 
inflame  the  minds  even  of  the  peasants  they  had  formerly 
oppressed.  Extortion  by  the  jaghirdar  they  were  used 
to ;  it  was  the  way  and  the  right  of  him  to  whom  Fate  had 
given  the  power,  and,  had  they  been  in  his  place,  they 
would  have  done  as  he  did.  But  the  ways  of  the  sahib 
they  did  not  understand.  Individually  many  of  the 
sahibs  were  good  men  whom  they  could  trust ;  the  Larens 
Sahibs  were  all  three  their  true  friends ;  so  were,  in  their 
several  districts,  Abbott,  and  Edwardes,  and — with  bated 
breath — so  was  Nikalsain  Sahib,     But  in  the  mass  the 


Incompatible  Ideals  189 

Englishmen     were    incomprehensible    and    very    foolish, 
though  skilful  in  the  management  of  war. 

Henry  Lawrence  did  not  for  a  moment  advocate  the 
retention  of  the  native  aristocracy  in  their  present  relation 
to  the  people.  Nor  did  John  propose  to  strip  them  naked. 
The  former  was  prepared  to  allow  the  chiefs  to  retain  a 
certain  degree  of  dignity  and  rank,  and  held  that  justice 
and  mercy  demanded  that  they  should  be  spared  unneces- 
sary humiliation,  and  that  policy  likewise  sanctioned 
generous  treatment,  as  the  nobles  would  the  more  readily 
acquiesce  in,  and  adapt  themselves  to,  the  new  conditions. 

John  Lawrence  was  willing  to  be  generous,  but  he  pro- 
tested that  Henry's  generosity  was  extravagance  which 
the  state  finances  could  not  support — and  here  he  was 
unanswerable.  Also,  that  his  brother  overestimated 
the  sirdars'  power  for  good  or  evil — and  here  he  was 
mistaken.  When  the  Mutiny  came  to  test  all  theories,  the 
nobles,  for  whom  Henry  had  not  pleaded  in  vain,  either 
remained  neutral  or  gave  active  and  invaluable  support 
to  John  Lawrence  when  the  clouds  were  blackest.  Where- 
ever  the  chief  men  had  been  treated  with  consideration 
there  was  loyalty.  The  breach  was  to  become  wider  and 
deeper  and  each  began  sadly  to  realise  that  his  well- 
loved  brother's  work  had  ceased  to  be  a  complement  of  his 
own;  that  indeed,  by  the  opposition  of  their  ideals — or 
rather  of  the  means  by  which  the  common  ideal  should  be 
attained — the  self-sacrificing  efforts  of  both  were  being 
made  of  little  avail.  These  were  the  unhappy  days  when 
they  could  no  longer  feel  the  joy  in  well-doing  that  had 
hitherto  made  work  a  delight. 

In  the  main  the  elder  brother  was  impracticable,  and, 
had  he  been  supreme,  the  Punjab  would  have  been  bank- 
rupt. On  the  other  hand,  without  his  sympathetic  influence 
John  Lawrence  and  Lord   Dalhousie  would  have  raised 


190         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

up  powerful  factions  against  the  dominant  race.  Acting 
together,  neither  was  able  to  proceed  to  extremes  and  a 
forced  compromise  produced  the  model  province. 

The  effect  of  this  compromise,  stated  with  succinct 
comprehensiveness  by  Sir  John  Lawrence's  friend  and 
secretary,  the  late  Sir  Richard  Temple,  has  been  quoted 
by  Mr.  Merivale  from  the  papers  of  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes.1 

"  Temple,  talking  with  me  to-day  about  Henry  and 
John  Lawrence,  made  some  fair  remarks  as  to  the  general 
characteristics  of  Henr}'  as  a  civil  administrator :  '  Sir 
Henry's  policy  was  this : — 

"'The  revenue:  to  have  very  light  settlements.  In 
judicial  matters :  to  do  as  much  justice  as  possible  under 
trees  in  the  open  air  before  the  people.  In  jails:  to  take 
immense  pains  with  the  prisoners,  considering  that  we  were 
responsible  for  their  lives  and  health  and  morals,  if  we  put 
them  into  durance.  In  material  improvements:  to  go 
ahead  at  a  tremendous  pace  and  cover  the  country  with 
the  means  of  communication — roads,  bridges,  etc.  In 
policy:  to  be  very  conciliatory  to  the  chiefs  of  our  own 
territory,  very  friendly  and  non-interfering  with  neighbour- 
ing courts.'  He  remarked  generally  that  it  was  best  for 
the  State  that  the  two  brothers  were  associated  together, 
though  it  proved  so  unhappy  for  themselves.  Neither 
was  perfect :  each  had  lessons  to  learn.  Sir  Henry  would 
soon  have  had  to  close  the  Treasury,  with  his  ideas  of 
jagheer  improvements,  light  revenue,  etc.,  and  John  would 
have  had  a  full  revenue  but  a  mutinous  country.  Both 
were  so  naturally  truthful  and  candid  that  when  they  had 
done  the  mischief  they  would  have  owned  it  and  retraced 
their  steps.  But  by  both  being  together  the  mischief  was 
prevented.  One  checked  the  other.  At  the  same  time 
they  confirmed  each  other's  faults.  Sir  Henry  was  more 
lavish  in  his  proposals,  because  he  thought  that  John 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  188-189. 


Incompatible  Ideals  191 

would  cut  down  any  proposal  which  he  made ;  and  John 
was  more  hard  and  stingy,  upon  parallel  reasoning.  We 
both  agreed  that  John  had  begun  to  adopt  Sir  Henry's 
views  in  many  things  from  the  very  moment  that  Sir 
Henry  left  the  Punjaub,  and  that  the  crisis  of  1857  had  very 
much  more  softened  and  modified  John's  former  principles." 
But  however  beneficial  to  the  state,  such  a  position  could 
not  but  be  extremely  painful  to  the  brothers,  who  found 
themselves  in  conscience  bound  to  oppose  one  another's 
views.  Without  exception,  when  a  jaghir  case,  upon  which 
they  could  not  agree,  was  submitted  to  Lord  Dalhousie, 
he  decided  in  favour  of  John;  and  Henry  chafed  the  more 
that  the  jaghirdars,  knowing  he  was  their  friend,  should 
be  able  to  shake  their  heads  and  tell  one  another  that  the 
once-powerful  Henry  Lawrence  had  no  longer  any  in- 
fluence over  the  Lord  Sahib.  Had  there  been  no  expression 
of  irritation  they  would  have  been  more  than  human, 
and  Mr.  Montgomery  humorously  complained  that  his 
position  was  that  of  "  a  regular  buffer  between  two  high- 
pressure  engines."  In  the  altercation  that  arose  the 
President  occasionally  showed  himself  irritable  and 
querulous,  and  unwilling  to  admit  the  other  point  of  view. 
The  character  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  was  so  lofty  that 
any  attempt  to  claim  for  him  exemption  from  human 
weakness  could  only  tend  to  belittle  him.  His  temper 
was  naturally  hasty,  and  his  temperament  too  sensitive; 
he  was  at  this  time  ill  in  body  and  mind,  and  Dalhousie's 
policy  of  annexation  being  obnoxious,  the  work  was  less 
congenial  to  him  than  to  his  brother.  That  the  dis- 
sensions should  be  hidden  from  the  public  gaze  was  the 
aim  of  both.  To  present  a  united  front  was,  in  the  first 
place,  politic,  and  the  strife  was  sufficiently  disagreeable 
to  men  of  their  character  without  the  odious  reflection 
that  their  wrangles  were  being  publicly  discussed  and 
exaggerated.     From    Montgomery    they    could    not    be 


192         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

concealed,  and,  as  their  colleague  possessed  the  esteem 
and  affection  of  both — and  of  all  who  knew  him — each 
brother  attempted  to  bring  the  other  to  reason  by  con- 
vincing the  third  member  of  the  Board  of  the  justice  of  his 
own  views  and  by  asking  his  intervention. 

The  President  complained  that  his  brother  paid  too  little 
regard  to  his  opinion,  sometimes  indeed  acting  in  opposi- 
tion for  no  apparent  reason ;  to  which  John  replied  that 
he  had  frequently  given  way  against  his  better  judgment, 
and  found  concession  vain ;  that  his  brother's  ill-health 
and  consequent  absence  from  Lahore  had  thrown  the 
bulk  of  the  work  upon  his  shoulders ;  and  he,  in  his  turn, 
complained  that,  on  occasion,  after  he  had  closely  studied 
all  the  bearings  of  some  problem,  and  had,  after  much 
thought  and  consultation,  formed  his  opinion  and  his  plans, 
the  absent  President,  judging  on  general  principles  and 
with  only  a  superficial  knowledge  of  the  specific  case, 
would  oppose  and  delay. 

Montgomery  could  do  no  more  than  offer  good  advice. 
"  Hereafter,"  said  he,  "  when  the  daily  strife  of  conflicting 
opinions  is  at  an  end,  when  we  shall  all  have  run  our 
courses,  how  wretched  will  appear  all  the  bickerings  and 
heart-burnings  that  occupied  so  much  of  our  time.  Let 
us  all  while  we  are  spared,  do  our  best,  and  be  able  to 
say  from  our  hearts  at  the  end,  that  we  are  unprofitable 
servants."  ' 

And  though  this  appeal  did  not  bring  the  strife  to  an 
end,  who  can  say  that  it  failed  to  sink  into  the  hearts  of 
both  and  incline  them  to  a  greater  degree  of  forbearance  ? 
That  each  did  feel  sympathy  with  the  other's  obvious 
grief  was  abundantly  shown  in  their  letters  of  this  period ; 
and  Henry  Lawrence  strove  to  copy  his  Divine  Master 
more  closely,  and  prayed  for  help  to  overcome  those  faults 
which,  he  knew,  beset  him. 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  188. 


Incompatible  Ideals  193 

"  O  Lord,  give  me  grace  and  strength  to  do  Thy  will, 
to  begin  the  day  and  end  it  with  prayer  and  searching  of 
my  own  heart,  with  reading  of  Thy  word.  Make  me  to 
understand  it,  to  understand  Thee,  to  bring  home  to  my 
heart  .  .  .  my  entire  need  of  a  Saviour,  of  my  utter 
inability  to  do  aught  that  is  right  in  my  own  strength: 
make  me  humble,  reasonable,  contented,  thankful,  just, 
and  considerate.  Restrain  my  tongue  and  my  thoughts; 
may  I  act  as  if  ever  in  Thy  sight,  as  if  I  may  die  this  day. 
May  I  not  fear  man  or  man's  opinions,  but  remember  that 
Thou  knowest  my  motives  and  my  thoughts,  and  that 
Thou  wilt  be  my  judge.  It  is  not  in  me  to  be  regular: 
let  me  be  so  as  much  as  I  can.  Let  me  do  to-day's  work 
to-day,  not  postponing,  clear  up  and  finish  daily.  So 
living  in  humility,  thankfulness,  contentment."  x 

John  Lawrence  had  foreseen  that  the  sharing  of  power 
and  responsibility  equally  by  two  conscientious  men  of 
convictions  fundamentally  opposed  would  lead  to  a 
situation  the  more  intolerable  in  that  they  loved  one 
another.  Before  they  had  sat  together  at  the  Board  for 
twelve  months  he  had  placed  the  difficulty  before  Lord 
Dalhousie,  and  had  asked  to  be  transferred  elsewhere, 
recognising  his  brother's  superior  claim  to  the  Punjab. 
A  few  extracts  from  the  letter  2  will  speak  for  themselves. 
After  stating  that  he  would  have  preferred  to  remain  in  the 
Jalandar  had  his  own  wishes  been  consulted,  he  expressed 
his  opinion  that : 

"  If  I  know  myself,  I  believe  I  should  be  happier  and 
equally  useful  to  the  State  if  I  thought  and  acted  on  my 
own  bottom.  I  am  not  well  fitted  by  nature  to  be  one  of  a 
triumvirate.  Right  or  wrong,  I  am  in  the  habit  of  quickly 
making  up  my  mind  on  most  subjects,  and  feel  little 
hesitation  in  undertaking  the  responsibility  of  carrying 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  218. 

2  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  331-332. 


194         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

out  my  views.  The  views  of  my  brother,  a  man  far  abler 
than  I  am,  are,  in  many  respects,  opposed  to  mine.  I  can 
no  more  expect  that,  on  organic  changes,  he  will  give  way 
to  me,  than  I  can  to  him.  He  is  my  senior  in  age,  and  we 
have  always  been  staunch  friends.  It  pains  me  to  be  in 
a  state  of  antagonism  towards  him.  A  better  or  more 
honourable  man  I  don't  know,  or  one  more  anxious  to 
discharge  his  duty  conscientiously;  but,  in  matters  of 
civil  polity  of  the  first  importance,  we  differ  greatly.  .  .  . 
I  feel  myself  now  in  a  false  position,  and  would  be  glad  to 
extricate  myself,  if  I  can  do  it  with  honour.  ...  I  will 
simply  add  that,  if  it  is  necessary  that  I  stay  at  Lahore, 
I  will  do  so  with  cheerfulness,  and  fulfil  my  duties  as  long 
as  health  and  strength  may  last." 

But  the  Governor-General  had  no  idea  of  permitting 
John  Lawrence  to  leave  the  province.  The  brothers 
would  doubtless  find  their  duties  disagreeable,  but  their 
sacrifice  would  be  the  making  of  the  Punjab. 

"  In  unsullied  honesty  and  intrepid  manliness,"  said 
Sir  John  Kaye,  "  the  two  Lawrences  were  the  counter- 
parts of  each  other.  Both  were  equally  without  a  stain."  1 
For  nearly  four  years  each  tried  to  bring  his  brother  to 
reason,  and  by  the  end  of  that  time  they  were  farther  apart 
than  ever.  Had  they  held  conflicting  opinions  on  matters 
affecting  themselves  solely,  and  calling  for  personal 
sacrifice,  how  ready  would  each  have  been  to  give  way! 
But  the  more  they  discussed  the  jaghirdar  question,  the 
more  pronounced  became  Henry's  scorn  for  filthy  lucre 
and  the  worse  opinion  had  John  of  the  good-for-nothing 
gentry.  In  December  1852,  when  the  success  of  the 
Punjab  administration  was  assured,  the  Hyderabad 
Residency  fell  vacant,  and  both  offered  to  resign  their 
places  on  the  Board  and  apply  for  the  post. 

This  time  Lord  Dalhousie  did  not  hesitate.  He  believed 
1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  p.  52. 


Incompatible  Ideals  195 

that  Sir  Henry's  work  in  the  Punjab  was  done,  that  the 
special  conditions  which  had  made  his  personal  influence 
and  ikbal  a  necessity  had  passed  away,  that  the  Board 
might  safely  be  abolished  x  and  the  province  governed  by 
one  man,  with  the  power  of  a  Lieutenant-Governor  and 
the  new  title  of  Chief  Commissioner.  And  there  was  one 
man  in  India  in  whom  he  had  implicit  trust,  and  that  man 
was  John  Lawrence.  Two  years  before  this  opportunity 
was  given  him  to  get  rid  of  Sir  Henry,  Lord  Dalhousie  had 
written  to  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control:2  "I 
shall  not  be  sorry  when  he  goes,  because  although  he  has 
many  fine  qualities,  I  think  his  brother  John,  take  him  all 
in  all,  is  a  better  man,  fitted  in  every  way  for  that  place." 

He  therefore  wrote  to  inform  Sir  Henry  that  Hyderabad 
had  already  been  disposed  of — to  Colonel  Low,  a  "  soldier- 
civilian,"  whose  attitude  towards  native  states  and  princes 
resembled  that  of  Sir  Henry  himself.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  soldier  administrators — Low,  Sleeman, 
Edwardes,  Nicholson,  Abbott,  Becher,  Reynell  Taylor, 
Lake,  Robert  Napier,  George  and  Henry  Lawrence — 
seemed  able  to  enter  more  fully  into  the  modes  of  thought 
and  understand  better  the  prejudices  of  the  natives  than 
could  the  civilians.  The  Governor-General  now  proposed 
to  appoint  Sir  Henry  to  Rajputana,  the  Residency  vacated 
by  Colonel  Low. 

He  proceeded  to  offer  an  explanation  of  the  reasons  that 
led  him  to  decide  that  the  younger  brother  should  remain 
in  the  Punjab. 

1  Within  a  few  weeks  of  the  appointment  of  the  Punjab  Board 
Lord  Dalhousie  wrote  to  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Control: 
"  If  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  had  in  my  judgment  been  as  indisputably 
fit  to  administer  alone  the  civil  government  as  he  was  to  direct  the 
political  and  military  arrangements  of  the  Punjab,  I  never  would 
have  thrown  the  local  government  into  the  form  of  a  Board." — 
Lee  Warner,  vol.  i.  p.  252. 

2  Lee  Warner,  vol.  i.  p.  254. 


196         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

1  "  It  has  for  some  time  been  the  recorded  opinion  of  the 
Supreme  Government  that,  whenever  an  opportunity 
occurred  for  effecting  a  change,  the  administration  of  the 
Punjaub  would  best  be  conducted  by  a  Chief  Commissioner, 
having  a  Judicial  and  a  Revenue  Commissioner  under  him. 
But  it  was  also  the  opinion  of  the  Government  that,  when- 
ever the  change  should  be  made,  the  Chief  Commissioner 
ought  to  be  an  officer  of  the  Civil  Service. 

"  You  stand  far  too  high,  and  have  received  too  many 
assurances  and  too  many  proofs  of  the  great  estimation  in 
which  your  ability,  qualities,  and  services  have  been  held 
by  the  successive  Governments  under  which  you  have  been 
employed,  to  render  it  necessary  that  I  should  bear  testi- 
mony here  to  the  value  which  has  been  set  upon  your 
labours  and  upon  your  service  as  the  head  of  the  Adminis- 
tration of  the  Punjaub  by  the  Government  over  which  I 
have  had  the  honour  to  preside.  We  do  not  regard  it  as 
in  any  degree  disparaging  to  you  that  we,  nevertheless,  do 
not  consider  it  expedient  to  commit  the  sole  executive 
charge  of  the  administration  of  a  kingdom  to  any  other  than 
to  a  thoroughly  trained  and  experienced  civil  officer.  .  .  . 
I  presume  your  offer  had  no  especial  reference  to  Hydera- 
bad. Rajpootana  in  your  hands  will  have  the  same  salary 
as  Hyderabad,  and  a  political  jurisdiction  such,  I  believe, 
as  accords  with  your  inclinations.  The  Agent  marches  all 
the  cold  weather,  and  in  the  hot  weather  is  privileged  to 
retire  to  Mount  Aboo.  These  are  considerations  which 
render  the  appointment  agreeable  as  well  as  important, 
though  I  do  not  for  a  moment  pretend  to  compare  its  im- 
portance with  the  Punjaub.  ...  I  hope  you  will  be  satis- 
fied by  it  that  the  Government  has  evinced  every  desire  to 
treat  you  with  the  highest  consideration.  Although  it  is 
not  to  be  expected  that  you  can  concur  in  the  view  the 
Government  has  taken  regarding  the  Chief-Commissioner- 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  191 -194. 


Incompatible  Ideals  i  97 

ship,  you  will  at  least  be  convinced  that  neither  I  nor  my 
colleagues  had  any  desire  of  forcing  our  views  into  practical 
operation  at  the  expense  of  your  feelings,  or  to  do  anything 
which  might  discredit  your  public  position. 

"  Before  closing  this  letter,  I  must  take  the  liberty  of 
adding  what  is  due  in  justice  to  you,  that  in  all  our  corre- 
spondence and  conversations  regarding  your  differences 
with  John  Lawrence,  I  have  always  found  you  acting 
towards  him  with  frankness  and  generosity. 

"  The  subject  of  this  letter  is,  of  course,  entirely  confi- 
dential. I  shall  write  to  your  brother  to-day,  and  inform 
him  that  I  have  written  to  you,  and  nothing  more  will  be 
said  or  done  until  I  shall  receive  your  reply." 

So  prompt  an  acceptance  of  his  offer  to  resign  was  a 
bitter  pill  for  Sir  Henry  to  swallow.  Admitting  that  two 
men  of  such  opposing  tendencies  could  not  work  well  har- 
nessed together,  he  could  by  no  means  acknowledge  that  if 
the  Board  should  cease  to  exist  he  was  not  qualified  to  be 
supreme.  The  Punjab  was  his  own  particular  country. 
He  had  been  its  head,  real  and  nominal,  ever  since  the 
Company  had  interfered  in  its  internal  affairs,  and  with  all 
his  humility  and  modesty  he  knew  how  predominating 
had  been  his  influence  in  effecting  the  wonderful  transition 
of  "  order  out  of  chaos,  law  out  of  anarchy,  peace  out  of 
war."  "  What  the  watchmaker  is  to  the  watch,"  said 
General  Abbott  in  1858, l  "  that  was  Sir  Henry  Lawrence 
to  the  Punjaub.  His  assistants  fashioned  wheels,  pivots, 
spring  and  balance ;  but  it  was  his  great  mind  which 
attributed  to  each  his  work,  which  laid  down  the  dimensions 
of  every  circle,  the  power  of  every  spring,  the  length  of 
every  lever,  and  which  combined  the  whole  into  one  of  the 
greatest  of  triumphs  of  modern  polity.  His  was  the  spirit 
which  inspired  every  act  of  the  local  government,  which 
touched  the  heart  of  all  his  subordinates  with  ardour  to  fill 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  1 54. 


198         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

up  each  his  own  part  in  a  system  so  honourable  to  the 
British  name.  All  caught  from  him  the  sacred  fire;  his 
presence  seemed  all-pervading,  for  the  interests  of  the 
meanest  were  dear  to  him  as  those  of  the  most  powerful; 
and  goodness  and  greatness  were  so  natural  wherever  he 
came  that  other  fruits  seemed  strange  and  impossible." 

Sir  Henry  replied,  accepting  the  offer  of  Rajputana,  and 
commented  with  some  bitterness  upon  the  implication  that 
the  "  recorded  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Government  "  was 
in  effect  that  his  presence  at  Lahore  was  "  the  only  hin- 
drance to  the  adoption  of  an  improved  administration  of 
the  Punjaub.  .  .  .  For  peace  sake  and  the  benefit  of  the 
public  service,  I  was  prepared  to  make  way  for  J.  L.,  and 
I  have  no  wish  to  recall  that  offer.  Our  differences  cer- 
tainly hindered  work,  and  therefore,  while  the  Board 
existed,  it  was  better  that  one  of  us  should  be  withdrawn. 
That  when  a  single  head  should  be  appointed,  I  was  deemed 
unfit  to  be  that  head,  was  a  mortifying  discovery,  and  I 
could  not  but  write  as  feeling  the  disappointment,  though 
I  hope  I  expressed  myself  with  due  respect.  However  if  I 
was  before  ready  to  vacate  the  post  here,  there  are  now 
stronger  reasons  to  request  my  removal."  * 

Though  Sir  Henry's  wound  never  ceased  to  smart,  there 
was  no  trace  of  bitterness  in  the  subsequent  relations  of 
the  brothers.  The  Governor-General's  appointment  re- 
quired confirmation  by  the  directors,  and  Mr.  Merivale  has 
published  the  draft  of  a  letter  addressed  by  Sir  Henry  to 
the  head  of  the  Board  of  Control,  with  the  object  of  ensuring 
the  appointment  to  the  post  of  him  whom  he  knew  to  be 
the  best  fitted. 

"  In  many  respects  I  look  on  my  brother  John  as  better 

adapted  to  this  office  than  any  other  officer  I  know.     My 

departure  will  cause  considerable  alarm  in  the  Durbar ;  but 

in  the  native  opinion  the  change  would  be  the  less  if  my 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  194. 


Incompatible  Ideals  199 

brother  took  my  place,  especially  as  he  has  already  acted 
for  me,  and  will  now  be  here  again  for  two  months,  and  is 
known  to  be  on  the  most  brotherly  terms  with  me.  Per- 
haps it  may  be  unseemly  in  me  saying  so  much  for  my 
brother,  but  I  do  so  on  public  grounds." 

The  phrase  in  Lord  Dalhousie's  letter  implying  that  he 
was  not  "  a  thoroughly  trained  and  experienced  civil 
officer  "  rankled  in  his  mind,  and  in  a  long  letter  of  justifi- 
cation to  his  friend  Sir  James  Hogge,  a  director  of  the 
Company,  he  stated  that :  "I  am  quite  ready  to  allow  that 
my  brother  John  is  well  qualified  for  the  post  he  has  got, 
but  I  do  not  know  any  other  civilian  in  India  who  is.  His 
special  fitness,  however,  is  not  that  he  is  a  civilian,  but  that 
he  would  make  a  good  soldier;  and,  with  all  deference  to 
the  Governor-General,  I  think  he  has  gone  twenty  years 
too  fast,  and  that  already  we  have  too  many  trained 
civilians  and  too  much  of  the  Regulations  in  the  Punjaub; 
that  what  is  then  wanted  is  the  very  simplest  form  of  law, 
or  rather  of  equity,  and  that  the  proper  men  to  carry  it  out 
are  such  as  Edwardes,  Nicholson,  Taylor,  Lake,  Becher, 
and  civilians  of  the  same  stamp — men  who  will  not  spare 
themselves,  who  will  mix  freely  with  the  people,  and  will 
do  prompt  justice,  in  their  shirt-sleeves,  rather  than  pro- 
found laws,  to  the  discontent  of  all  honest  men,  as  is  done 
in  Bengal,  and  even  in  the  pattern  Government  of  Agra. 
The  expression  a  trained  civilian  puzzles  me ;  the  fact 
being  that  I  have  done  as  much  civil  work  as  my  brother  and 
twice  as  much  as  many  civilians  who  are  considered  trained 
men.  I,  too,  have  held  every  sort  of  civil  post  during  the 
last  twenty-one  years,  and  have  trained  myself  by  hard 
work  and  by  putting  my  own  shoulder  to  the  wheel."  x 

Before  leaving  Lahore  he  addressed  the  following 
pathetic  plea  to  his  successor  :— 

"  As  this  is  my  last  day  at  Lahore,  I  venture  to  offer  you 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  200. 


200         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

a  few  words  of  advice,  which  I  hope  yon  will  take  in  the 
spirit  it  is  given  in,  and  that  you  will  believe  that,  if  you 
preserve  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  make  the  people 
high  and  low  happy,  I  shall  have  no  regrets  that  I  vacated 
the  field  for  you.  It  seems  to  me  that  you  look  on  almost 
all  questions  affecting  Jagheerdars  and  Mafeedars  in  a  per- 
fectly different  light  from  all  others ;  in  fact,  that  you 
consider  them  as  nuisances  and  as  enemies.  If  anything 
like  this  be  your  feeling,  how  can  you  expect  to  do  them 
justice,  as  between  man  and  man?  I  am  sure  if  you  will 
put  it  to  yourself  in  this  light,  you  will  be  more  disposed  to 
take  up  questions  affecting  them  in  a  kindly  spirit.  I 
think  we  are  doubly  bound  to  treat  them  kindly,  because 
they  are  down,  and  because  they  and  their  hangers-on  have 
still  some  influence  as  affecting  the  public  peace  and  con- 
tentment. I  would  simply  do  to  them  as  I  would  be  done 
by.  I  by  no  means  say  much  in  favour  of  most  of  their 
characters,  I  merely  advocate  their  cases  on  the  above 
grounds.  I  think  also,  if  you  will  coolly  consider  the 
Jullunder  Jagheer  question,  you  will  agree  that  the  original 
conquerors  there,  and  their  old  families,  have  been  treated 
with  unusual  harshness,  whole  bodies  of  them  have  been 
recently  petitioning  me  for  the  same  terms  as  we  have 
given  here.  Surely  this  is  scarcely  justice.  You  have  now 
an  excellent  opportunity  to  redeem  an  error,  and  to  obtain 
for  yourself  popularity.  I  simply  referred  parties  to 
Macleod,  because  I  believed  you  would  be  offended  with  any 
other  step  I  might  take.  I  beg  you  will  allow  Mac.  to 
report  on  all  the  old  cases,  say,  of  those  of  possession  of 
above  fifty  years,  and  that  you  will  act  on  his  and  the  dis- 
trict officer's  recommendation.  I  will  not  trouble  you  on 
other  subjects,  on  most  of  them  you  are  more  at  home  than 
I  am ;  I  strongly  recommend  you  to  hold  weekly  Durbars 
—  an  hour  or  two  thus  spent  will  save  much  time,  and 
cause  much  contentment. 


Incompatible  Ideals  201 

"  Wishing  you  health  and  all  success,  yours,  affection- 
ately." 1 

John  Lawrence  was  by  nature  more  reticent  than  his 
brother,  and  his  emotions  were  under  better  control — not 
starved  nor  crushed,  but  kept  in  subjection.  He  rarely 
cared  to  reveal  his  inmost  thoughts,  and  the  workings  and 
yearnings  of  his  heart  were  not  obtruded ;  and  herein  lay 
one  of  the  secrets  of  his  power.  His  reply  seems  largely 
dictated  by  calm  reason  rather  than  by  emotion,  but, 
underlying  the  words,  those  who  knew  the  man  might 
read  and  divine  how  the  appeal  must  have  touched  him. 

"  My  dear  Henry,— I  have  received  your  kind  note,  and 
can  only  say  in  reply  that  I  sincerely  wish  that  you  had 
been  left  in  the  Punjab  to  carry  out  your  own  views,  and 
that  I  had  got  another  berth.  I  must  further  say  that 
where  I  have  opposed  your  views  I  have  done  it  from  a 
thorough  conviction,  and  not  from  factious  or  interested 
motives.  I  will  give  every  man  a  fair  hearing,  and  will 
endeavour  to  give  every  man  his  due.  More  than  this  no 
one  should  expect.  ...  It  is  more  than  probable  that  you 
and  I  will  never  again  meet ;  but  I  trust  that  all  unkindly 
feeling  between  us  may  be  forgotten."2 

Here  were  no  platitudes  to  grate  upon  the  too-sensitive 
nerves  of  the  loser  in  the  strife,  but  who  can  doubt  that,  as 
he  wrote,  he  formed  that  resolve  to  regard  with  greater 
sympathy  the  other  point  of  view,  and  to  give  greater 
weight  to  his  brother's  opinions,  which,  happily  for  India, 
marked  his  subsequent  career. 

The  news  flashed  across  the  land  of  the  Five  Rivers  and 
stupefaction  succeeded  to  incredulity.  Who  could  imagine 
the  Punjab  without  its  battered  figure-head!  And  Sikhs 
in  the  darwazas  of  the  Manjha ; 3  Jats  and  Mussulmans  under 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  195-196. 

2  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  338. 

*  The  Manjha  is  the  home  of  the  Sikhs — the  country  around 
Lahore,  the  political  capital,  and  Amritsar,  the  religious  capital. 


202         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

the  pipal  trees  in  the  villages  of  the  plains ;  Dogras  in  the 
valleys  of  the  Eastern  highlands;  Afridis,  Waziris,  and 
Yusufzais  along  the  wild  Trans-Indus  border;  and  men  of 
Hazara  in  the  northern  hills,  all  would  discuss  the  change 
as  they  smoked  when  the  day's  work  was  done,  and 
wonder  what  it  might  portend.  And  wherever  it  was 
possible  for  the  British  officials  to  foregather,  there  was 
one  topic  of  conversation.  With  imaginations  fired  by  the 
brilliant  ability,  courage,  upright  character,  devotion  to 
duty,  quick  grasp  of  the  most  intricate  problems,  and 
equally  quick  decision,  of  him  who,  no  longer  the  "  Laird 
of  Cockpen,"  was  now  styled  "  the  Great  Pro-Consul," 
the  rising  men  of  the  three  presidencies  were  mostly 
disciples  of  the  Dalhousie  school.  In  the  Punjab  alone 
predominated  the  sympathisers  with  the  views  held  by 
Sir  Henry  Lawrence — in  influence  certainly,  and  probably 
in  numbers. 

Like  their  chief,  to  whom  they  gave  their  best  work, 
the  Dalhousie  men  were  ambitious  to  see  the  line  of  red 
on  the  map  of  Asia  pushed  forward  wherever,  below  the 
Himalayas,  the  Sulaimans,  and  the  Hindu  Kush,  a  fainter 
colour  marked  a  native-governed  state.  This  was  no 
sordid  ambition,  no  braggart  desire  for  aggrandisement. 
Their  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  the  dusky  millions  was  sincere, 
and  they  felt  keenly  the  abuses  of  the  native  regimes  and 
believed  amendment  hopeless.  Experience  had  taught 
them  how  great  a  boon  to  the  natives  is  the  rule  of  the 
Englishman ;  they  had  before  their  eyes  the  example  of 
the  Punjab  and,  as  a  contrast,  its  former  dependency 
Kashmir;  Sind  and  Rajputana  lay  side  by  side;  and  the 
wretchedness  of  Oudh  under  its  debauchee's  misrule  grew 
daily  more  pronounced. 

None  could  be  more  desirous  of  the  people's  welfare 
than  were  Lord  Dalhousie  and  his  enthusiasts,  but,  ac- 
knowledging this,  the  rival  school  maintained  that  they 


Incompatible  Ideals  203 

had  no  right  to  deprive  any  state  of  its  own  form  of  govern- 
ment, even  for  its  own  undoubted  good,  so  long  as  British 
supremacy  was  not  menaced  and  treaties  were  not  too 
flagranti}'  broken.  To  exercise  supervision,  to  treat  a 
state  as  a  child  and  take  in  hand  its  affairs  for  a  time,  might 
be  justifiable ;  to  cut  off  all  hope  of  reaching  man's  estate 
and  thus,  for  the  folly  of  the  fathers,  to  penalise  the 
children  and  deprive  them  of  their  heritage,  should  be  a 
last  resort  when  all  other  means  had  failed. 

But  of  whatever  school,  the  Punjabis  received  the 
announcement  as  a  bolt  from  the  blue,  and  grief  was 
universal.  Englishmen,  Sikhs,  and  Mussulmans  sorrowed 
over  the  loss  of  a  dear  friend,  and  more  than  one  of  the 
heroes  of  '57  felt  that  they  could  no  longer  work  with  the 
pride  and  enthusiasm  that  had  hitherto  sustained  them 
and  lifted  their  labours  to  so  high  a  level,  now  that  he, 
whose  good  opinion  they  valued  most,  whose  approval  had 
spurred  them  to  ungrudging  efforts,  had  gone  from  their 
midst. 

One  of  the  first  to  hear  was  the  famous  soldier-adminis- 
trator, the  regimental  captain,  who,  at  the  age  of  thirty-four, 
was  picked  out  by  John  Lawrence,  over  the  heads  of  his 
seniors,  to  deal  the  Mutiny  its  most  crushing  blow.  John 
Nicholson  was  in  far  Bannu,  that  "  hell  upon  earth," 
which  he  was  now  "  curbing  to  the  fear  of  punishment." 
He  hurriedly  wrote  back  to  ask  if  Sir  Henry  would  take 
him  also  to  Rajputana,  as  the  Punjab  would  henceforward 
have  little  attraction  for  him,  or  for  Reynell  Taylor,  or 
Lumsden  of  the  Guides.  "  I  certainly  won't  stay  on  the 
border  in  your  absence,"  he  wrote,  and  added  his  conviction 
that  "  poor  little  Abbott  "  would  soon  be  driven  out  of 
the  Punjab. 

A  second  letter  from  the  unwilling  founder  of  the 
Nikalsain  sect  quickly  followed  to  inform  Sir  Henry  that 
he  had  received  "  a  letter  from  your  brother,  in  which  he 


204         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

said  that  he  hoped  to  prove  as  staunch  a  friend  to  me  as 
you  had  ever  been.  I  cannot  but  feel  obliged  to  him; 
but  I  know  that,  as  a  considerate  and  kind  patron,  you  are 
not  to  be  replaced.  I  would,  indeed,  gladly  go  with  you, 
even  on  reduced  allowances.  I  feel  that  I  am  little  fit 
for  regulation  work,  and  I  can  never  sacrifice  common 
sense  and  justice,  or  the  interests  of  a  people  and  country, 
to  red  tape.  A  clever  fellow  like  old  Edwardes  can  manage 
both ;  but  it  is  beyond  me.  It  would  do  your  heart  good 
to  hear  the  Sikhs  in  the  posts  along  the  border  talk  of  you. 
Surely,  in  their  gratitude  and  esteem  '  you  have  your 
reward.'  " ! 

The  "  warden  of  the  marches  "  stayed  on  the  frontier, 
where  to  this  day,  nearly  fifty  years  after  his  death,  the 
turbulent  Pathans  still  hear  on  stormy  nights  "  the  tramp 
of  Nikalsain's  war-horse." 

In  January  1853  Henry  Lawrence  and  his  wife  left 
Lahore  and  never  in  the  history  of  the  East  had  any 
Englishman  such  a  leave-taking.  "  Grief  was  depicted 
on  every  face,"  wrote  Mr.  Bosworth  Smith.  "  Strong 
men,  Herbert  Edwardes  conspicuous  amongst  them,  might 
be  seen  weeping  like  little  children  ...  a  long  cavalcade 
of  aged  native  chiefs  followed  him.  ...  It  was  a  long, 
living  funeral  procession  from  Lahore  nearly  to  Amritsar," 
the  holy  city  of  the  Sikhs,  where  the  demonstrations  of 
grief  were  renewed.  There  both  Englishmen  and  natives 
had  gathered  in  numbers,  many  chieftains  having  hastened 
from  near  and  far,  eager,  as  Mr.  Raikes  has  said,  for  "  a 
last  word  or  even  a  look." 

The  gaunt  and  broken-down  figure 2  was  never  more  seen 
in  the  Punjab. 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  206. 

2  "  His  active  and  somewhat  attenuated  frame  seemed  a  prison- 
house  which  had  been  gradually  worn  away  by  the  fluttering  of 
the  soul  within." — Sir  Rd.  Temple,  Men  and  Events  of  my  Time  in 
India. 


CHAPTER  XIX 
(1853-1856) 

JOHN  LAWRENCE  RULES  THE  PUNJAB 

John  Supreme  in  the  Punjab — "  How  would  Henry  have  acted?  " — 
John  Nicholson,  Neville  Chamberlain,  Robert  Napier,  Donald 
Macleod — Treaty  with  Afghanistan — Lord  Dalhousie's  Affec- 
tion for  John — Last  Meeting  between  the  Brothers. 

As  "  Chief  Commissioner  of  the  Punjab,"  John  Lawrence 
was  now  free  to  act  on  his  own  responsibility,  subject  to 
the  approval  of  Lord  Dalhousie,  and  of  that  he  was  assured. 
But  if  the  elder  brother  was  a  broken-hearted  man,  the 
younger  was  not  happy ;  no  sense  of  elation  filled  his  soul ; 
there  was  no  rejoicing  as  over  a  victory.  His  love  for 
Henry  was  deep  and  lasting,  and  the  reflection  that  he  had 
been  the  reluctant  cause  of  his  brother's  mortification 
left  him  sorrowing,  but  his  determination  to  do  his  duty 
was  as  firm  as  ever. 

Aware  of  the  strong  feeling  in  favour  of  his  brother,  in 
the  hearts  of  the  very  men  upon  whose  assistance  he  most 
depended,  he  feared  there  would  be  trouble  with  others 
besides  Nicholson.  A  smaller  man  would  have  felt  ag- 
grieved and  would  have  shown  it;  a  weaker  would  have 
attempted  to  ingratiate  himself  by  praise  and  favour; 
one  endowed  with  his  brusque  honesty  and  stern  self- 
reliance  might  have  been  tempted  to  force  his  refractory 
subordinates  to  acknowledge  him  as  master. 

None  of  these  things  did  John  Lawrence.  He  respected 
the  loyalty  of  the  subalterns  to  their  old  captain,  and 

205  o 


2c6         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

liked  them  the  better  for  it ;  and  he  proceeded  to  win  them 
by  tact  and  patient  firmness,  and  by  self-control.  His 
manner  changed  somewhat,  and  he  lost  much  of  that 
apparent  harshness  which  those  who  did  not  know  him 
well  were  apt  to  misunderstand.  No  motive  of  policy 
brought  about  this  change.  His  brother's  farewell  words 
had  sunk  deep,  and  the  influence  of  religion,  gaining  a 
greater  hold  month  by  month,  was  mellowing  the  grand 
and  rugged  character. 

It  is  more  easy  to  be  tolerant  of  another's  views  when 
supreme,  when  the  opponent  has  no  power  to  frustrate  or 
impede,  than  when  yoked  to  another,  unable  to  act  until 
he  has  been  convinced.  In  argument  the  temptation  is 
to  score  points  in  favour  of  our  own  views  rather  than  to 
probe  for  the  truth.  Believing  that  our  cause  is  the  only 
right  one,  we  look  for,  and  attach  undue  importance  to, 
every  fact  that  seems  to  strengthen  it.  x\fterwards,  when 
the  need  for  further  disputation  has  disappeared,  comes 
the  reflection  that,  after  all,  there  was  much  force  in  the 
other's  arguments,  and  we  look  with  less  aversion  upon 
the  idea  of  a  compromise  which  is  something  more  than 
the  famous  "  Brown  compromise  "  of  Harry  East. 

And  so  it  was  with  John  Lawrence.  Now  that  he  was 
no  longer  compelled  either  to  combat  or  defer  to  his 
brother's  opinions,  he  became  more  susceptible  to  that 
brother's  influence.  "  He  succeeded,"  said  General 
Reynell  Taylor,  "  to  many  of  the  graces  of  his  lost  brother ;  " 
and  Mr.  Bos  worth  Smith  has  recorded  that,  when  con- 
fronted by  a  difficult  problem,  he  would  ask  himself: 
"What  would  Henry  have  said?  How  would  Henry 
have  acted?  " 

There  were  still  some  sixty  thousand  tenure  cases  to  be 
considered,  and  his  recommendations  upon  these  were 
more  favourable  than  before  to  the  jaghirdars.  There  is 
a  certain  irony  in  the  reflection  that  Lord  Dalhousie,  in 


John  Lawrence  Rules  the  Punjab      207 

disallowing  some  of  these  as  too  generous,  should  have 
"  appealed  from  the  John  Lawrence  of  the  present  to  the 
John  Lawrence  of  former  days."  1 

There  was  little  change  in  the  policy  of  the  Punjab. 
Roads,  inundation  canals,  and  other  public  works  were 
extended ;  industry  and  education  were  encouraged ;  the 
survey  was  completed,  and  the  revenue  assessed  according 
to  the  quality  of  the  soil.  The  village  community  system 
was  made  use  of,  a  community  being  assessed,  and  the 
lambardars  of  the  village  proportioning  to  each  man  his 
share.  These  headmen  were  also  held  generally  responsible 
for  the  behaviour  of  their  villages,  and  their  authority 
was  upheld. 

Nothing  in  the  Punjab  was  too  small  for  the  Chief  Com- 
missioner's consideration.  He  studied  not  only  the  men 
but  their  fields  and  crops  and  wells;  he  criticised  the 
breeds  of  cattle  and  horses  and  praised  or  made  suggestions ; 
and  he  practised  as  well  as  preached  his  doctrine  that  work 
was  the  highest  duty  of  man. 

The  province  continued  to  progress.  New  men  were 
brought  in,  of  whom  Richard  Temple  proved  perhaps  the 
greatest  help  to  his  chief.  Montgomery  was  appointed 
Judicial  Commissioner  and  Mr.  Edmonstone  the  Revenue 
Commissioner,  and  John  Lawrence  supervised  all  their 
doings,  instructing,  encouraging,  and  remonstrating,  with 
infinite  tact.  He  never  took  to  himself  the  credit  for 
the  labour  of  another,  and  would  suffer  gladly  the  idiosyn- 
crasies of  any  who  were  really  zealous  for  the  people  and 
the  province.  Laziness  or  indifference  to  the  public  weal 
he  would  not  countenance. 

Henry's    training — indispensable    at    first    when    chaos 

reigned,  when  trust  in  the  friendship  and  integrity  of  the 

English  was  all-important — showed  its  defects,  now  that 

the  time  had  come   for  a  more  scientific  regime.     "  A 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  343. 


208         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

clever  fellow  like  old  Edwardes  can  manage  both," 
Nicholson  had  said;  but  he,  Robert  Napier,  and  others 
of  the  old  Punjab  school  could  with  difficulty  be  induced 
to  consult  their  chief  before  taking  some  momentous  step. 
They  were  trained  to  act  on  their  own  responsibility,  and 
John  Lawrence's  racy  and  good-humoured  pleading  for 
occasional  reports  of  their  proceedings  and  accounts  of 
their  expenditure  was  treated  with  scant  consideration. 
They  were  too  busy  making  history  to  write  it. 

Their  contempt  for  red  tape  carried  them  too  far.  Their 
chief  was  not  the  man  to  prefer  a  lengthy  essay  on  the 
condition  of  a  district  to  wholesome  action  calculated  to 
improve  that  same  condition.  But  he  had  to  take  a  view 
broader  and  deeper  than  theirs,  and  much  as  he  admired 
his  spirited  team,  "  Coachman  John  "  rightly  insisted  on 
a  firm  grip  of  the  reins. 

The  waywardness  of  his  best  officers  greatly  increased 
the  work  and  anxiety  of  the  Chief  Commissioner.  The 
principal  offender  was  the  young  captain  before  whom  the 
border  trembled.  That  a  sect  was  formed  in  honour  of 
Nicholson  is  well  known,  and  the  more  he  tried  to  thrash 
adoration  out  of  the  hearts  of  his  worshippers  the  louder 
swelled  the  chants  in  his  praise.  Even  the  Mussulmans 
regarded  him  as  a  type  of  the  saint-heroes  of  their  legends, 
and  John  Nicholson,  unarmed,  could  make  an  assemblage 
of  cut-throats  shake  in  their  shoes  as  effectively  as  could 
the  bayonets  of  a  regiment. 

Nicholson  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  of  all  time,  defying  comparison  and  classification. 
"Of  what  class  is  John  Nicholson  the  type?"  wrote 
Edwardes,  for  Mr.  Raikes'  Notes  on  the  Revolt  of  the  North- 
West  Provinces.  "Of  none;  for  truly  he  stands  alone. 
But  he  belongs  essentially  to  the  school  of  Henry  Lawrence. 
I  only  knocked  down  the  walls  of  the  Bannu  forts,  John 


MAIIZm  WAZIRIS   FROM   THE   BANNU    DISTRICT. 


John  Lawrence  Rules  the  Punjab      209 

Nicholson  has  since  reduced  the  people  (the  most  ignorant, 
depraved,  and  bloodthirsty  in  the  Punjab)  to  such  a  state 
of  good  order  and  respect  for  the  laws  that,  in  the  last  year 
of  his  charge,  not  only  was  there  no  murder,  burglary,  or 
highway  robbery,  but  not  an  attempt  at  any  of  those 
crimes."  l 

To  one  man  only  would  he  bend  the  knee — to  Henry 
Lawrence.  His  "  boundless  devotion  to  Henry  made  him 
stiff  and  unfriendly  to  John,"  said  Daly,  and  the  chief's 
character  stands  out  sound  and  wholesome  in  his  dealings 
with  this  difficult  subaltern.  Firm  he  was,  but  very 
patient,  ever  ready  to  put  the  best  construction  on 
Nicholson's  acts,  and  resolved  to  retain  him  where  he  was 
"  a  tower  of  strength  "  rather  than  allow  his  place  to  be 
taken  by  one  more  docile  but  less  efficient. 

On  one  occasion  Nicholson  manifested  a  strong  inclina- 
tion to  lead  in  person  a  punitive  expedition  into  the  hills, 
and  John  Lawrence  gently  restrained  him,  because  he  had 
not  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  brigadier  in  charge  of  the 
troops.  Nicholson's  reply  was  short  and  unsatisfactory, 
and  the  Chief  Commissioner  wrote  again. 

"  I  shall  be  very  glad  if  you  punish  the  Sheoranis,  but 
get  Hodgson  [the  brigadier]  to  agree  in  your  measures.  .  .  . 
Pray  report  officially  all  incursions.  I  shall  get  into 
trouble  if  you  don't.  The  Governor-General  insists  on 
knowing  all  that  goes  on,  and  not  unreasonably;  but  I 
can't  tell  him  this  if  I  don't  hear  details."  2 

Was  Nicholson  recalling  the  request  for  official  reports 
when  he  sent  this  grim  note  to  his  chief?     "  Sir, — I  have 

1  "  A  young  officer  recently  died  in  Bannu,  at  whose  funeral  his 
friends  were  astonished  to  see  large  numbers  of  natives.  They, 
however,  had  heard  that  he  was  a  nephew  of  the  great  Nicholson, 
and  they  had  come  to  do  honour  to  that  family." — Blackwood's 
Magazine,  November,  1904,  Some  Punjab  Frontier  Recollections, 
by  Colonel  Moncrieff . 

a  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  348-349. 


210         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

the  honour  to  inform  you  that  I  have  just  shot  a  man  who 
came  to  kill  me."  x 

Until  the  outbreak  of  the  Mutiny  Nicholson  remained 
a  rebel  against  the  authority  of  John  Lawrence,  though 
he  admitted  to  Sir  Henry  that  "  John  has  been  very  for- 
bearing, and  I  am  sure  puts  up  with  much  from  me  on 
your  account."  The  following  extracts  from  his  corre- 
spondence shows  how  differently  he  bore  himself  towards 
the  elder  brother. 

"  My  dear  Nicholson,"  Sir  Henry  had  written  in  1849 
after  an  outburst  of  righteous  indignation,  "  let  me  advise 
you,  as  a  friend,  to  curb  your  temper,  and  bear  and  forbear 
with  natives  and  Europeans,  and  you  will  be  as  distinguished 
as  a  Civilian  as  you  are  as  a  Soldier.  Don't  think  it  neces- 
sary to  say  all  you  think  to  every  one.  The  world  would 
be  one  mass  of  tumult  if  we  all  gave  candid  opinions  of 
each  other.  I  admire  your  sincerity  as  much  as  any  man 
can  do,  but  say  thus  much  as  a  general  warning.  Don't 
think  I  allude  to  any  specific  act ;  on  the  contrary,  from 
what  I  saw  in  camp,  I  think  you  have  done  much  toward 
conquering  yourself;  and  I  hope  to  see  the  conquest 
completed." 

"  My  dear  Colonel,"  Nicholson  replied.  "  Very  many 
thanks  for  yours  of  the  7th,  and  the  friendly  advice  which 
it  contains.     I  am  not  ignorant  of  the  faults  of  my  temper, 

1  Probably  Lord  Lawrence  never  knew  that  about  this  period  he 
himself  was  in  danger  of  assassination.  While  on  tour  his  thorough- 
ness and  determination  to  master  every  problem  greatly  increased 
the  labours  of  those  whose  work  he  was  inspecting.  When  at 
Murdan  the  men  of  the  Guides  did  not  approve  of  the  way  in  which 
he  monopolised  the  time  of  their  popular  commandant,  and 
Lumsden's  Afridi  orderly  had  a  proposal  to  make.  "  Since  the 
great  Lawrence  came,"  said  he,  "  you  have  been  worried  and 
distressed ;  many  have  observed  this,  and  that  he  is  always  looking 
at  papers,  asking  questions,  and  overhauling  your  accounts.  Has 
he  said  anything  to  pain  you  ?  Is  he  interfering  with  you  ?  He 
starts  for  Peshawur  to-morrow  morning;  there  is  no  reason  why 
he  should  reach  it." — Lumsdcn  of  the  Guides,  p.  108. 


John  Lawrence  Rules  the  Punjab      2  1  1 

and  you  are  right  in  supposing  that  I  do  endeavour  to 
overcome  them — I  hope  with  increasing  success.  ...  A 
knowledge  of  the  disease  is  said  to  be  half  the  cure,  and  I 
trust  the  remaining  half  will  not  be  long  before  it  is 
effected."1 

Nicholson's  bluntness  soon  plunged  him  into  a  contro- 
versy with  that  fine  soldier  and  gentleman,  Neville  Chamber- 
lain, who  had  succeeded  Hodgson  as  brigadier  in  his 
district.  The  role  of  peacemaker  fell,  of  course,  to  the 
Chief  Commissioner,  who,  throughout  the  lengthy  corre- 
spondence which  ensued,  showed  himself  patient,  wise,  and 
just.  The  quarrel  arose  out  of  a  Waziri  raid  in  which 
Nicholson's  friend,  Zeman  Khan,  had  been  slain.  The 
Commissioner  of  Bannu  complained  strongly  to  his  chief 
of  the  incapacity  of  Chamberlain's  troops,  which,  so  he 
maintained,  ought  to  have  been  able  to  prevent  the  outrage, 
and  he  mentioned  four  recent  occasions  on  which  raiders 
had  not  been  molested.  He  did  not  mince  matters,  and 
Chamberlain,  highly  incensed,  demanded  an  apology. 

Lawrence  wrote  several  times  to  each  to  explain  the 
other's  point  of  view,  and  at  the  same  time  to  palliate 
those  expressions  calculated  to  give  offence.  He  pleaded 
earnestly  and  tactfully  that  each  should  be  willing  to 
overlook  much  from  the  other  as  the  reputations  of  both 
were  too  firm  to  be  easily  shaken. 

He  told  Chamberlain  how  Nicholson,  whose  ambition 
had  been  to  have  the  command  of  the  Frontier  Force,  had 
withdrawn  his  application  as  soon  as  he  heard  that  it  was 
the  post  that  Chamberlain  also  desired,  saying,  "  That  he 
would  never  think  of  being  a  candidate  while  you  were 
available,  as  he  believed  you  were  much  more  fitted  for 
the  post  than  himself,"  and  he  also  begged  Nicholson  to 
write  to  express  his  regret  for  his  strictures  upon  Chamber- 
lain's force ;  but  both  were  implacable. 

1  Kaye's  Lives  of  Indian  Officers,  vol.  ii.  p.  442. 


2  i  2         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

"  I  have  got  a  long  letter  (official)  from  Chamberlain," 
he  then  wrote  to  Nicholson,  "  who  asks  for  replies,  twenty 
in  number,  in  respect  of  the  raids  you  reported.  If  any- 
thing will  shut  your  mouth,  it  will  be  these  queries,  for  I 
often  find  it  difficult  to  get  an  answer  to  one.  However  if 
you  can  answer  them  all,  and  promptly,  when  replying  to 
this  letter,  I  shall  be  glad  if  you  will  express  your  regret 
that  Chamberlain  has  been  annoyed,  and  say  you  had  no 
intention  to  reflect  on  the  force.  He  is  much  too  sensitive 
in  such  matters.  Still,  he  is  a  fine  fellow,  and  will  do  the 
force  much  good.  Moreover,  I  should  be  much  grieved  if 
he  went  away  in  disgust,  whether  the  cause  was  real  or 
imaginary."  1 

To  Edwardes  on  the  same  subject — 

"  I  return  Nicholson's  letter.  I  have  got  an  official 
letter  from  Chamberlain,  putting  twenty  queries  on  each 
of  the  four  raids  to  Nicholson !  Now,  if  anything  will  bring 
'  Nick  '  to  his  senses  it  will  be  these  queries.  He  will  polish 
off  a  tribe  in  the  most  difficult  fortress,  or  ride  the  border 
like  '  belted  Will '  of  former  days ;  but  one  query  in  writing 
is  often  a  stumper  for  a  month  or  two.  The  '  pen-and-ink 
work,'  as  he  calls  it,  '  does  not  suit  him.'  ' 

The  strained  relations  continued  for  some  months. 
Chamberlain  being  the  first  to  hold  out  his  hand ;  and  he 
it  was  who  watched  by  the  couch  of  his  friend  and  comrade 
two  years  later  when  the  hero  of  Delhi  lay  dying. 

Once  more  had  John  Lawrence  to  act  as  peacemaker, 
this  time  between  Edwardes  and  his  subordinate,  Captain 
Coke — he  who  raised  the  ist  Punjab  Infantry,  "  Coke's 
Afridis,"  who  rendered  such  fine  service  during  the  Mutiny. 
Napier,  the  engineer,  likewise  took  the  bit  between  his 
teeth  and  was  inclined  to  bolt.  As  a  disciple  of  Henry 
Lawrence  he  was  unwilling  to  admit  the  argument  of 
expense  and  the  Head  of  the  Punjab  was  brought  to  book 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  408. 


John  Lawrence  Rules  the  Punjab      2  1  3 

by  the  Board  of  Directors  for  the  sins  of  his  subordinate — 
for  the  expenditure  on  public  works  that  had  been  incurred 
without  his  authority  and  in  spite  of  his  protests. 

"  .  .  .  He  is  all  for  pushing  on  works  or  originating 
new  ones,"  Lawrence  wrote  to  the  Governor-General. 
"  But  he  dislikes  details  and  accounts  of  all  kinds,  and 
cannot  find  it  in  his  heart  to  censure  any  one  under  him.  .  .  . 
He  has,  also,  no  proper  idea  of  economy.  As  he  naively 
observed  last  night,  he  had  no  idea  that  he  could  go  on  too 
fast,  but  supposed  that  Government  might  believe  that 
enough  was  not  being  done,  sufficient  money  not  being 
spent.  Your  Lordship  may  depend  on  my  doing  all  I  can 
to  get  things  placed  on  a  proper  footing ;  and,  if  possible, 
I  will  do  this  without  any  explosion  with  Napier,  for  whom 
I  have  a  great  regard.  He  has  the  most  decided  aversion 
to  estimates  of  all  kinds,  and  considers  that  they  are 
nothing  but  '  snares  to  entrap  the  Engineers.'  " 2 

But  if  the  disciple  had  the  weakness  of  his  master  he  also 
shared  his  strength,  for  whatsoever  he  undertook  that  he 
did  well ;  and  his  chief  was  not  blind  to  his  merits.  "  The 
work  he  [Napier]  has  done  since  annexation  is  enormous, 
and  would  have  killed  many  men."  And  in  1867,  when 
it  fell  to  the  lot  of  John  Lawrence  to  recommend  a  general 
to  command  the  army  in  Abyssinia,  he  showed  that  Napier's 
thoroughness  had  not  been  forgotten.  "  If  you  want  the 
thing  thoroughly  well  done,"  said  he,  "go  to  Napier." 

The  idiosyncrasies  of  Donald  Macleod,  John  Lawrence's 
dearest  friend,  placed  an  additional  burden  on  the  already 
over-weighted  shoulders  of  the  Chief  Commissioner. 
Admitting  that  "  morally  and  intellectually  he  has  no 
superior  in  the  Punjab,  perhaps  no  equal,"  he  was  obliged 
to  find  fault  with  Macleod 's  tendency  to  run  into  arrears 
that  had  to  be  cleared  away  periodically  by  the  chief 
himself. 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  413. 


2  i  4         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

"He  is  too  fond  of  polishing,"  Lawrence  wrote  to 
Edwardes,  "  and  his  execution  is  not  equal  to  his  designs. 
He  wastes  much  time  on  unimportant  matters.  He  spends 
as  much  time  on  a  petty  case  as  on  an  important  one. 
His  Commissionership  has  not  fair  and  honest  work  for  a 
man  of  ability  and  knowledge  for  six  hours  a  day.  I  know 
it,  for  I  was  Commissioner  there  for  three  years  when  it 
had  to  be  licked  into  shape.  It  is  useless  saying  that  we 
must  choose  between  quality  and  quantity.  We  must 
have  both,  or  the  result  is  a  failure.  There  are  certain 
things  to  be  done  in  an  official  berth,  and  a  certain  time 
to  do  them  in.  A  good  and  efficient  administrator  will  so 
distribute  his  time  as  to  do  them  all.  He  will  economise 
when  it  can  be  done  safely,  and  throw  in  his  power  when  it 
is  wanted.  Edmonstone  has  not  the  intellect  of  Donald ; 
he  has  not  his  knowledge  of  the  customs  and  habits  of  the 
people ;  but  by  order  and  economy  of  time,  joined  to  an 
iron  constitution,  he  did  treble  the  work  that  Donald 
does;  and  on  the  whole,  he  did  it  better.  He  would  not 
do  a  given  case  so  well,  perhaps,  but  he  would  do  a  hundred, 
while  the  other  would  do  ten,  and  he  would  do  them  rightly. 
Donald  spends  half  the  day  writing  elegant  demi-official 
chits.  I  spin  off  a  dozen  in  a  day,  and  they  don't  take  an 
hour.  They  may  want  the  elegant  turn  he  gives  to  his, 
but  they  are  to  the  point  and  do  all  that  is  necessary. 
Edmonstone,  Raikes,  and  Barnes  have  more  settlements 
than  Macleod.  The  revenues  of  the  country  cannot  afford 
more  men.  We  must  either  reduce  the  salaries,  and  thus 
effect  a  saving  to  pay  for  more  men,  or  we  must  get  more 
work  out  of  our  Donalds.  An  assistant  is  of  little  or  no 
use  to  a  really  efficient  Commissioner.  The  mere  drudgery 
of  the  office  should  be  done  by  the  head  clerk,  who  gets 
the  pay  of  an  educated  man.     No  practical  man  would 

have  such  a  man  as  for  his  head  clerk  for  a  month. 

Donald  moans,  but  retains  him.     At  this  moment,  he  has 


John  Lawrence  Rules  the  Punjab      215 

not  sent  up  any  report  of  his  administration  for  the  past 
three  years,  and  has  several  hundred  appeals  standing  over, 
some  as  long  as  four  years.  He  has  men  under  trial  in 
jail  for  upwards  of  a  year.  '  Bis  dat  qui  cito  dat '  is  a  good 
motto  in  administration.  Donald  is  not  fit  for  a  new 
country ;  he  has,  with  all  his  virtues,  radical  defects.  I 
see  this,  who  love  the  man  ;   what  more  can  I  say  ?  "  x 

With  Mr.  Barnes — commended  in  the  letter  last  quoted — 
he  had  to  remonstrate  because  of  an  excess  of  the  virtue 
that  Mr.  Macleod  lacked.  "  Ah,  Barnes!  "  said  the  chief, 
"you  are  a  very  clever  fellow;  you  can  get  through  in 
half  an  hour  what  it  would  take  most  of  us  an  hour  to  do 
equally  well ;  and  if  only  you  would  not  insist  on  getting 
through  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour  instead  of  half  an  hour, 
you  would  do  it  excellently."  - 

In  the  autumn  of  1853  Colonel  Mackeson,  the  Com- 
missioner of  Peshawar,  less  fortunate  than  Nicholson, 
was  murdered  by  a  fanatic.  After  Lahore,  Peshawar 
was  the  most  important  post  in  the  Punjab.  As  in  Bannu, 
the  Pathans  there  were  bred  as  robbers  and  murderers, 
and  the  man  to  control  them  must  possess  uncommon 
qualifications.  Lord  Dalhousie  had  thoughts  of  appoint- 
ing Sir  James  Outram,  but  Lawrence  urged  strongly  the 
surpassing  claims  of  Herbert  Edwardes  whose  experience 
of  the  people  was  greater.  He  pointed  out  that  Edwardes, 
being  younger  than  himself  and  already  his  subordinate 
and  personal  friend,  would  be  prepared  to  carry  out  his 
policy;  whereas  Outram,  "  a  fine  soldier  and  a  noble 
fellow,"  was  Lawrence's  senior  in  age,  and  had  filled  high 
positions,  and  would  therefore  find  greater  difficulty  in 
subordinating  his  own  views.     Lord  Dalhousie  gave  way. 

During  the  last  months  of  1853  Lawrence  visited  the 
frontier  and  personally  inspected  the  work  of  his  outpost 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  355-356. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  379. 


216         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

officers,1  and  here  the  soldier-instinct  peeped  out.  The 
Afridis  of  Kohat  had  been  taught  a  lesson,  but  their  Bori 
cousins  still  lacked  the  blessings  of  experience.  They 
began  to  raid  the  country-side  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Peshawar,  murdering  and  carrying  off  people  and  cattle 
as  in  the  brave  days  of  old.  The  Chief  Commissioner  went 
to  Peshawar  and  found  the  Afridis  insolent  and  defiant, 
for  the  Bori  hills  were  considered  impregnable  and  the 
valley  had  not  been  entered  by  an  enemy  for  centuries. 
However  he  collected  a  force  of  Europeans,  Guides,  and 
Gurkhas  and  soundly  thrashed  the  tribesmen,  and  in  his 
old  age  Lord  Lawrence,  "  with  boyish  glee  and  a  visible 
sparkle  in  his  almost  sightless  grey  eyes,"2  would  often 
speak  of  this  day  when  he  threw  off  the  civilian  and 
rejoiced  to  be  under  fire. 

He  had  secured  the  right  man  in  the  right  place  at 
Peshawar,  but  Edwardes  did  not  content  himself  with 
carrying  out  the  instructions  of  his  chief.  His  mind  was 
essentially  initiative,  and  before  he  had  been  many  months 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Khyber  he  began  to  evolve  a  note- 
worthy scheme  to  safeguard  the  peace  of  the  border;  no 
less  than  the  binding  to  England  by  treaty  of  that  very 
Dost  Mohammed  of  Kabul,  whose  advances  had  once  been 
so  ignominiously — and  so  disastrously — rejected,  who  had 
been  in  turn  dethroned  and  enthroned,  and  who  had  made 
common  cause  with  his  Sikh  enemies  in  1849.  In  due 
course,  Edwardes  submitted  his  plan  to  Lawrence  and  to 
Lord  Dalhousie,  the  latter  approving,  the  former  being 
sceptical.     What,  said  Lawrence,  was  the  use  of  a  treaty 

1  He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  the  one  child  who  had  not 
been  sent  to  England.  A  few  years  before  this  Edwardes  and 
Nicholson,  returning  home  on  furlough,  had  taken  charge  of  the 
Lawrence  girls  and  had  made  the  voyage  a  delightful  holiday  for 
the  youngsters.  And  now  Nicholson  again  won  the  heart  of  the 
mother  by  his  kindness  to  the  child  while  they  remained  in  his 
district. 

'  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  367. 


John  Lawrence  Rules  the  Punjab      217 

with  an  Afghan,  who  would  keep  his  word  just  as  long  as 
suited  his  own  interests,  and  not  a  moment  longer?  To 
which  Edwardes  replied  that  the  amir  might  be  made  to 
see  that  his  interests  were  bound  up  with  those  of  England. 
But  John  Lawrence  was  ever  inclined  to  underestimate 
the  power  of  native  monarchs  and  chieftains  for  good  or 
evil.  Confident  in  Britain's  strength  he  preferred  to  stand 
alone,  independent  of  friends,  defying  enemies  to  do  their 
worst.  Moreover,  he  held  that  overtures  to  the  amir 
would  be  regarded  as  a  sign  of  weakness,  and  the  idea  that 
England  was  so  hard  pressed  as  to  make  a  bid  for  an 
Afghan  alliance  against  Russia  would  have  a  bad  effect 
throughout  Asia.  Edwardes  met  the  argument  with  the 
assertion  that  Dost  Mohammed  was  ready  to  make  the 
overtures  and  simply  desired  encouragement ;  he,  not 
England,  would  be  the  suppliant. 

Edwardes  prevailed.  The  heir-apparent  of  Kabul  was 
sent  to  Peshawar  to  meet  John  Lawrence  and  draw  up 
the  treaty.  Lawrence  would  have  preferred  that  the 
Commissioner  of  Peshawar  should  have  this  honour  and 
responsibility,  but  the  amir  had  stipulated  for  Jan  Larens, 
so  Edwardes,  always  enthusiastically  loyal,  elected  to 
stand  aside  for  his  chief.  In  England  the  treaty  was 
received  with  acclamation,  the  credit  being  universally 
accorded  to  John  Lawrence,  who  disclaimed  it  for  two  good 
reasons.  Honest  to  the  core  he  wished  Edwardes  to  have 
whatever  praise  might  be  due;  and,  secondly,  he  had 
little  faith  in  the  efficacy  of  the  treaty,  and  hardly  hoped 
that  any  good  would  accrue  therefrom. 

But  Edwardes  seems  to  have  been  right.  Whether 
influenced  by  good  faith  or  self-interest  Dost  Mohammed 
stood  loyal  and  kept  his  mountaineers  in  hand  even  when, 
in  '57,  Peshawar  his  beloved,  and  the  whole  Trans-Indus 
border,  were  well  within  his  grasp. 

The  account  of  the  relations  of  John  Lawrence  with  his 


218         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

subordinates  could  not  be  more  fittingly  concluded  than 
with  these  words  of  Sir  John  Kaye:  "  Our  English  officers 
for  the  most  part  lived  pure  lives  in  that  heathen  land ; 
and  private  immorality  under  the  administration  of  John 
Lawrence  grew  into  a  grave  public  offence."  x 

Nature's  claim  for  relaxation  was  month  by  month 
becoming  more  insistent,  and  Lawrence  could  not  continue 
to  ignore  the  demand.  Reluctantly  he  made  the  admission 
that  even  his  iron  constitution  and  stubborn  will  were  not 
superior  to  the  laws  that  govern  life. 

"  My  work  here  is  almost  too  much  for  me,"  he  at  length 
admitted.  "  Night  and  day  I  am  hard  at  the  mill.  No 
old  bullock  in  a  drought  is  harder  worked  at  a  well  irrigat- 
ing the  fields  than  I  am."  -  To  Henry  he  wrote  at  a  later 
period:  "The  work  here  has  vastly  increased  since  you 
left.  I  am  often  fairly  bewildered  with  it,  though  I  work 
at  the  desk  steadily  from  the  minute  I  come  in  before 
breakfast — with  an  interval  of  ten  minutes  for  breakfast  .  .  . 
until  I  can  no  longer  see.  I  never  take  a  holiday  or  knock 
off  even  for  an  hour." 

At  an  early  date  he  had  been  compelled  to  implore  that 
letters  might  not  be  crossed,  as  he  was  "  almost  blind 
with  reading  manuscript,"  and  in  1855  he  expressed  the 
fear  that  blindness  would  soon  be  his  portion.  In  the 
summer  of  this  year  he  was  dangerously  ill  with  scarlet 
fever,  and  Lord  Dalhousie,  adopting  strong  measures, 
practically  forbade  him  to  leave  the  hills  during  the  hot 
weather.  "  Never  mind  the  Punjab  Report,"  said  he, 
"  or  any  other  report,  but  coddle  yourself,  turn  idler,  and 
get  yourself  up  again."3 

The  masterful  Governor-General  had  succumbed  to  the 

1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  pp.  64-65. 

2  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  444,  461. 

3  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  380. 


John  Lawrence  Rules  the  Punjab      219 

attraction  of  the  strong,  silent  man,  and  the  relations 
between  him  and  his  chief  lieutenant  were  now  of  a  very 
pleasant  nature.  Lawrence  had  reported  an  interview 
with  a  highland  chieftain  who  had  never  before  seen  a 
European,  and  the  Viceroy  playfully  commended  Law- 
rence's diplomacy  in  showing  himself  "  as  the  first  specimen 
of  the  conquering  race.  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  be  as 
desirous  to  retain  a  recollection  of  you  as  I  am,  and  as  I 
have  lately  taken  the  liberty  of  showing.  For  I  have  to 
apologise  to  you  for  getting  a  daguerreotype  taken  from 
the  portrait  of  you  which  Mr.  C.  Saunders  brought  down." 1 

When  Dalhousie's  term  of  office  was  about  to  expire 
he  expressed  in  unmistakable  language  his  appreciation 
of  the  work  done  by  John  Lawrence,  and  offered  to  ask 
for  either  a  baronetcy  or  a  K.C.B.  The  Chief  Commis- 
sioner decided  in  favour  of  the  latter  on  the  grounds  that 
he  was  too  poor  for  a  baronetcy,  and  Dalhousie  applauded 
the  decision.  In  his  letter  of  thanks  Lawrence  expressed 
his  sense  of  a  personal  loss. 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  your  lordship  thinks  we  shall  like 
Lord  Canning,  and  I  hope  he  will  be  satisfied  with  us.  .  .  . 
A  stimulus  has  been  given  to  the  general  administration 
of  India,  and  a  general  vigour  infused  into  all  departments, 
which,  if  only  carried  on,  must  wipe  out  the  reproach  under 
which  the  Government  formerly  laboured. 

"  To  myself,  personally,  the  change  will  be  great.  I  can 
hardly  expect  to  have  so  kind,  so  considerate,  and  so 
friendly  a  master.  As  one  grows  in  years,  one  feels  almost 
a  disinclination  to  form  new  relations,  even  on  the  public 
account.  ...  To  your  lordship  the  return  to  your  own 
country  will  probably  be  a  subject  of  unmixed  pleasure, 
but  to  the  friends  you  leave  behind,  among  whom  I  am 
one  of  the  sincerest,  it  cannot  fail  to  be  a  cause  of  real 
regret."2 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  369.      *  Ibid.  vol.  i.  pp.  423,  427,  432. 


220         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

On  February  17,  1856,  he  repaired  to  Calcutta  to  see  the 
last  of  his  chief.  "  My  dear  old  Boy,"  ran  the  note  that 
greeted  his  arrival,  "  I  have  just  received  your  letter, 
and  as  I  shall  be  in  Calcutta  to-morrow  evening  for  good, 
I  will  not  give  you  the  trouble  of  coming  out  here,  but  will 
see  you,  and  with  sincere  pleasure,  on  Tuesday  forenoon. 
As  for  my  health,  Jan  La'rin,  I  am  a  cripple  in  every 
sense." 

The  affectionate  and  pathetic  tone  of  these  last  letters  of 
the  little  autocrat  to  the  one  brother  is  in  marked  contrast 
with  that  of  the  earlier  letters  which  so  estranged  the  other. 
The  "  great  Pro-Consul  "  had  sacrificed  health  and  even 
life  to  a  sense  of  duty.  Well  aware  of  the  penalty,  he  had 
stayed  in  India  beyond  his  time  because  his  work  was 
incomplete.  On  March  6  he  sailed  for  England,  returning 
home  to  die. 

From  on  board  ship  he  wrote  again : 

My  dear  Lawrence, — The  home  news  at  Ceylon  showed  me 
your  name  in  the  Gazette  as  K.C.B.  at  last.  You  would  take  for 
granted  my  joy  in  this  recognition  of  your  merits  and  services. 
But  I  must  give  you  joy  nevertheless  in  words,  and  I  do  it  from  my 
heart.  No  man  ever  won  the  honour  better,  and  of  all  your  relatives 
and  friends,  not  one  has  greater  gratification  in  seeing  honour  done 
to  you  than  I  have.  Pray  offer  my  warmest  congratulations  and 
my  kindest  wishes  to  Lady  Lawrence. 

I  was  very  miserable  in  parting  from  you  all  upon  the  ghaut 
that  day.  Of  all  I  leave  behind  me,  no  man's  friendship  is  more 
valued  by  me,  no  man's  services  are  so  highly  estimated  by  me, 
as  yours.  God  bless  you,  my  dear  John;  write  to  me  as  you 
promised,  and  believe  me  now  and  always, — Your  sincere  friend, 

Dalhousie. 

The  last  meeting  between  Henry  and  John  took  place 
during  this  visit  to  Calcutta.  For  three  days  they  were 
united,  comrades  once  more,  the  old  dispute  buried  and 
the  heart-burnings  forgotten. 


CHAPTER  XX 
(1853-1856) 

HENRY   LAWRENCE    AND   THE    RAJPUTS 

Rajput  Degeneracy — Gaol  Reform — Suttee  checked — Death  of 
Lady  Lawrence — Absorption  of  Native  States — Annexation  of 
Oudh. 

The  Native  States  of  Rajputana,  eighteen  in  number, 
comprise  a  territory  larger  than  the  Punjab  but  more 
sparsely  populated,  the  inhabitants — mainly  of  Rajput, 
J  at,  and  aboriginal  descent — not  exceeding  twelve  millions. 
The  true  Rajputs  are  the  descendants  of  the  Aryan 
conquerors  of  Hindustan  and  are  therefore  of  the  same 
branch  of  the  human  family  as  the  English.  The  Aryans 
of  India,  known  as  Brahmans  and  Rajputs  (priests  and 
warriors),  number  roughly  some  sixteen  millions,  the  great 
majority  of  the  one  hundred  and  thirty  millions  of  natives 
known  as  Hindus — as  distinguished  from  Mohammedans 
and  aborigines — being  of  mixed  Aryan  and  non-Aryan 
descent.  Though  the  Rajputs  suffered  greatly  at  the  hands 
of  the  Moslem  hordes  they  were  never  completely  over- 
whelmed. Moving  westwards  from  Delhi,  as  the  invaders 
seized  upon  the  more  delectable  lands,  many  of  their 
princes  settled  in,  and  gave  a  name  to,  Rajasthan,  now 
known  as  Rajputana.  There  were  founded  the  eighteen 
sovereign  states,  which,  early  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
became  willing  feudatories  to  the  dominant  English. 
The  true  Rajputs  are  perhaps  the  proudest  race  in  the 
world,  and  can  boast  of  genealogical  trees  beside  which 

221  p 


222         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

those  of  the  proudest  nobility  of  Britain,  and  even  the  more 
ancient  families  of  Rome  and  Vienna,  seem  but  of  mushroom 
growth. 

The  "  sons  of  the  sun  and  moon  "  are,  however,  degener- 
ate descendants  of  the  heroes  of  the  Mahabharata  and  the 
Ramayana,  and  the  Pax  Britannica  has  not  proved  an 
unmixed  blessing  to  the  Rajput  nobles.  The  path  of 
military  glory  having  been  closed  to  them,  they  are  no 
longer  cast  in  the  heroic  mould  of  their  forefathers,  and 
"  the  names  of  Jeimul  and  Putta "  are  in  danger  of 
oblivion.  There  is  no  further  need  for  the  Rajput  chivalry 
to  die  for  their  ideals  of  honour,  for  the  women  of  Chitor 
to  perish  by  thousands  in  the  flames  in  order  to  escape 
dishonour,  nor  for  their  daughters  to  prefer  exile  in  the 
wilderness  rather  than  disgrace  their  blood  by  marriage 
with  a  Mohammedan,  even  though  he  be  the  most  magnifi- 
cent prince  of  the  earth.  Too  proud  to  enlist  in  the 
Company's  regiments  and  rub  shoulders  with  persons  of 
low  degree,  prevented  by  their  watchful  guardians  from 
making  war  among  themselves,  the  Rajputs  of  Rajputana 
have  found  no  worthy  occupation  as  a  substitute  for  the 
call  to  arms.  A  slothful  peace  had  little  to  offer  them  save 
opium  and  vice,  and  their  sterner  virtues  have  been 
gradually  lost.  No  longer  called  upon  to  sacrifice  them- 
selves upon  the  altar  of  patriotism,  the  Rajputs  were 
living  the  life  of  a  sheltered  race.  The  swords  and  spears 
with  which  they  had  been  wont  to  guard  their  honour 
were  now  mere  ornaments,  and  neither  fulfilled  their 
original  purpose  nor  were  likely  to  be  turned  into  plough- 
shares or  pruning-hooks. 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence's  position  in  Rajputana  offered  far 
less  scope  for  his  zeal  in  well-doing,  and  gave  him  con- 
siderably less  authority,  than  he  had  enjoyed  since  the 
departure  from  Khatmandu.  The  Rajput  principalities 
are  jealous  of  interference  and  very  jealous  of  one  another. 


Henry  Lawrence  and  the  Rajputs      223 

The  Resident's  duties  were  to  keep  the  peace,  to  control 
the  external  affairs  of  the  states,  to  effect  all  possible  im- 
provements in  the  internal  administration  by  advice  and 
moral  suasion,  without  undue  interference  of  a  nature  to 
excite  resentment,  and,  by  example,  to  set  a  higher  tone. 

He  paid  flying  visits  to  the  chief  towns  of  the  various 
states,  taking  the  measure  of  the  Rajput  princes  and  of  his 
subordinates,  the  political  agents.  He  entered  the  gaols 
and  finding  them,  as  he  had  expected,  unfit  for  human 
habitation,  he  prevailed  upon  the  rajas  to  provide  better 
quarters.  In  a  letter  to  Kaye  he  told  how  he  had  issued  a 
circular  to  the  princes,  remarking : — 

"  That  in  different  gaols  I  had  seen  strange  sights  that 
must,  if  known  to  beneficent  rulers,  revolt  their  feelings, 
etc.,  etc.  I  therefore  suggested  that  all  princes  who  kept 
gaols  should  give  orders  somewhat  to  the  following  effect : 
Classification,  so  as  to  keep  men  and  women  apart;  also 
great  offenders  from  minor  ones;  tried  prisoners  from 
untried;  ventilation;  places  to  wash,  etc.,  etc.  Well, 
in  the  course  of  two  or  three  months  I  got  favourable 
answers  from  almost  all ;  and  heard  that  in  several  places, 
including  Jypur  [the  most  troublesome  state],  they 
proposed  to  build  new  gaols.  At  Udaipur,  my  brother 
(George)  told  me  that  they  released  two  hundred  prisoners 
on  receipt  of  my  circular,  and  certainly  they  kept  none  that 
ought  to  have  been  released ;  for  when  I  went  to  Udaipur 
last  February,  I  found  not  a  man  in  gaol  but  murderers, 
every  individual  of  whom  acknowledged  to  me  his  offence 
as  I  walked  round  and  questioned  them.  The  Durbars 
do  not  like  these  visits ;  but  they  are  worth  paying  at  all 
risks,  for  a  few  questions  to  every  tenth  or  twentieth 
prisoner  gives  opportunities  to  innocent  persons  to  come 
forward  and  petition.  No  officer  appears  ever  before  to 
have  been  in  one  of  these  dens."  x 

1  Lives  of  Indian  Officers,  pp.  312-313. 


224        The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

He  next  turned  his  attention  to  suttee,  a  custom  more 
honoured  in  Rajputana  than  elsewhere,  and  succeeded  in 
diminishing  the  practice,  checking  it  effectually  in  more 
than  one  state.  For  four  years  he  lived  among  the  Rajputs 
doing  good,  stimulating  with  his  approbation  such  of  the 
princes  as  would  take  even  the  slightest  interest  in  their 
subjects'  welfare,  overawing  those  who  tried  to  stem  the 
tide  of  progress.  Encouragement  was  scant;  disappoint- 
ments were  many.  Barbarous  as  was  the  Nepal  court, 
treacherous  and  pitiless  as  had  been  the  Lahore  durbar, 
there  was  more  hope  for  the  upstart  Gurkhas  and  Sikhs 
than  for  these  Rajput  aristocrats ;  yet  at  the  close  of  his 
sojourn  at  Ajmere  there  was  little  active  discontent  in 
Rajputana— in  marked  contrast  with  its  apprehensive 
state  when  he  entered  upon  his  duties  there.  Five  of  the 
principalities  were  then  under  his  direct  management, 
two  of  the  rajas  being  children  and  three  unfit  to  govern. 

The  Resident  was  privileged  to  retire  for  the  hot  season 
to  Mount  Abu,  a  health  resort  in  the  south  of  Rajputana, 
afterwards  selected  as  the  situation  for  one  of  the  Lawrence 
Asylums.  The  mountain  air  suited  him  and  he  gained 
strength,  but  his  wife's  health  had  suffered  too  much  from 
the  climate  of  Lahore  for  the  change  to  do  more  than  pro- 
long her  life  for  a  few  months,  and  on  January  15,  1854, 
Honoria  Lawrence  died.  To  her  husband  the  blow  was 
tempered  by  the  assurance  of  a  reunion  not  long  to  be 
delayed,  an  assurance  largely  due  to  the  saintly  influence 
of  her  who  had  passed  away.  At  the  bedside  he  sought 
relief  by  writing  to  his  sons  in  England  a  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  their  mother :  "...  So  I  went  and  took  my 
last  look  of  her  dear  sweet  face,  and  prayed  for  the  last  time 
by  her  side — prayed  that  what  I  had  neglected  to  do  during 
her  life  I  might  now  do  after  her  death,  prayed  that  her 
pure  spirit  might  be  around  you  and  me,  to  guide  us  to 
good  and  shield  us  from  evil.  .  .  .     Again,  I  say,  my  boys, 


Henry  Lawrence  and  the  Rajputs      225 

remember  with  love,  and  show  your  love  by  your  acts: 
few  boys  ever  had  such  a  mother."  l 

Her  friendship  had  been  a  precious  gift,  to  whose  in- 
spiration to  true  unselfish  action  India  owed  no  slight 
debt.  As  Lady  Lawrence  lay  dying,  Nicholson  received 
the  following  letter  from  Sir  Henry : 

My  dear  Nicholson, — Your  long  and  kind  letter  of  May  will, 
I  hope,  some  day  be  answered;  but  I  write  by  my  wife's  bedside 
to  give  you  a  message  she  has  just  sent  you.  "  Tell  him  I  love  him 
dearly  as  if  he  were  my  son.  I  know  that  he  is  noble  and  pure  to 
his  fellow-men;  that  he  thinks  not  of  himself;  but  tell  him  he  is 
a  sinner;  that  he  will  one  day  be  as  weak  and  as  near  death  as  I  am. 
Ask  him  to  read  but  a  few  verses  of  the  Bible  daily.  ..."  I  have 
just  told  her  I  had  written  to  you  as  she  had  bidden  me  .  .  .  she 
replied,  "May  God  bless  what  you  have  said  to  him!  I  love  him 
very  much.  I  often  think  of  all  those  fine  young  fellows  in  the 
Punjab,  and  what  our  example  ought  to  have  been  to  them,  and 
how  much  we  have  neglected  them."  My  dear  Nicholson,  these 
may  or  may  not  be  dying  words;  but  she  is  very,  very  ill,  and  has 
been  so  for  six  weeks.  .  .  .  Daily  and  nightly  she  talks  of  you  and 
others  as  of  her  sons  and  brothers.  Her  advice  and  example  to  you 
all  has  ever  been  good.  Would  that  mine  had  been  equally  so. 
We  have  been  cast  on  a  pleasant  land  here,  and  are  thankful  for 
what  God  has  done  in  spite  of  ourselves.  Humanly  speaking,  she 
could  not  be  alive  now  had  we  not  left  Lahore.2 

Though  Henry  Lawrence,  in  the  simple  words  of  his 
epitaph,  "  tried  to  do  his  duty  "  with  the  same  singleness 
of  aim  and  undiminished  courage,  the  light  had  gone  out 
of  his  life.  The  sun  broke  through  occasionally,  but,  while 
he  lived,  the  clouds  were  nevermore  to  lift. 

The  feeling  of  unrest  among  the  semi-independent 
kingdoms  of  India  was  spreading  apace.  The  annexation 
of  the  Punjab  had  been  understood  by  them  as  a  just  and 
natural  consequence  of  aggression,  but  it  was  now  becoming 
more  and  more  evident  that  no  native  state  was  regarded 
with  a  very  friendly  eye  by  the  Governor-General.     Mis- 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  249. 
*  Lives  of  Indian  Officers,  vol.  ii.  p.  449. 


226         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

rule  and  unbridled  licence  were  undoubtedly  the  reason 
of,  not  the  excuse  for,  Lord  Dalhousie's  frank  resolve 
"  to  take  advantage  of  every  just  opportunity  for  acquiring 
territory,  for  adding  to  the  revenues  of  the  Public  Treasury, 
and  for  extending  the  uniform  application  of  our  system 
of  Government  to  those  whose  best  interests  we  sincerely 
believe  will  be  promoted  thereby." 

Lord  Dalhousie's  Indian  experience  was  as  yet  incon- 
siderable when  the  Mahratta  Raja  of  Sattara  died  without 
heir,  an  event  all  too  common  in  Hindu  states.  As 
Brahman  doctrine  refuses  hope  of  future  bliss  to  him 
whose  funeral  rites  have  not  been  performed  by  a  son, 
the  custom  of  adoption  prevailed,  the  offices  of  an  adopted 
son  being  equally  efficacious.  "  Politically,"  said  Sir 
John  Kaye,1  "  the  right  of  adoption  is  as  dear  to  the  heart 
of  a  nation  as  it  is  personally  to  the  individual  it  affects," 
and  the  Mogul  emperors  had  recognised  this  right  of  their 
Hindu  tributaries.  As  in  England  reluctance  to  anticipate 
death  by  making  a  will  is  so  generally  manifested,  so  in 
superstitious  Hindustan  the  adoption  is  frequently  post- 
poned until  too  late.  In  such  cases  Mahratta  custom 
recognises  the  right  of  a  widow  to  adopt  on  behalf  of  a 
deceased  husband,  in  the  hope  that  his  known  intentions 
will  thereby  be  carried  out.  But  the  Company  limited 
the  right  of  a  widow  to  those  cases  in  which  she  had  been 
formally  empowered  to  adopt  by  her  husband,  and  in  spite 
of  a  strong  protest  from  Sir  George  Clerk,  Henry  Law- 
rence's former  chief,  now  Governor  of  Bombay,  the 
Mahrattas  of  Sattara  were  no  longer  ruled  by  one  of  their 
own  blood. 

"  The  Government,"  wrote  Lord  Dalhousie,  "  is  bound 

in  duty,  as  well  as  policy,  to  act  on  every  such  occasion 

with   the  purest   integrity,   and  in  the  most  scrupulous 

observance  of  good  faith.     Where  even  a  shadow  of  doubt 

1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  p.  70. 


Henry  Lawrence  and  the  Rajputs      227 

can  be  shown,  the  claim  should  at  once  be  abandoned. 
But  where  the  right  to  territory  by  lapse  is  clear,  the 
Government  is  bound  to  take  that  which  is  justly  and 
legally  its  due,  and  to  extend  to  that  territory  the  benefits 
of  our  sovereignty." 

During  Lord  Dalhousie's  term  of  office  other  two 
Mahratta  states,  Nagpore  and  Jhansi,  were  resumed.  If 
"  the  shadow  of  doubt  "  was  not  lacking  in  the  Sattara 
case,  that  of  Nagpore  was  more  easily  justified,  for  there 
was  no  agreement  with  regard  to  an  adopted  son.  General 
Low,  now  a  member  of  the  Council,  urged  his  government, 
however,  to  defer  to  native  sentiment  and  cited  the  bad 
effect  upon  Hindu  opinion  of  the  Sattara  lapse,  but  Lord 
Dalhousie  decided  upon  absorption,  recording  that  he 
could  not  "  admit  that  a  kind  and  generous  sentiment 
should  outweigh  a  just  and  prudent  policy." 

The  Jhansi  rajaship  was  a  recent  creation  of  the  Com- 
pany, and  on  the  death  of  the  childless  sovereign  the 
Governor-General  maintained  his  right  to  resume  the 
territory.  In  1857  the  rani,  afterwards  distinguished 
as  one  of  the  few  really  able  leaders  of  the  rebellion,  exacted 
a  terrible  price  for  the  disregard  of  her  privilege. 

The  three  principalities  of  Sattara,  Nagpore,  and  Jhansi 
were  Mahratta  parvenus,  lands  once  forfeit  to  the  British, 
governments  practically  created  by  the  Company's  will, 
and  Lord  Dalhousie  maintained  with  some  justice  that 
though  the  ruler  of  such  a  state  had  the  right  to  adopt  an 
heir  to  his  property,  he  had  no  power  to  regulate  the 
succession  to  the  throne.  On  the  other  hand  the  practice 
with  regard  to  successions  had  been  capricious,  "  every 
conceivable  variety  of  course  had  been  pursued,"  the 
terms  of  treaties  had  been  ambiguous,  and  there  was  much 
excuse  for  the  expectation  of  the  tributary  states  that  the 
right  of  adoption,  according  to  their  custom,  would  be 
allowed. 


228         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

A  very  different  case  was  that  of  Karauli  in  Rajputana, 
a  dynasty  existing  long  before  the  first  Englishman  had 
set  foot  in  Hindustan.  Application  was  made,  on  the 
death  of  the  raja,  for  the  recognition  of  a  youth,  Bharat 
Pal  by  name,  as  the  adopted  heir,  and  Lord  Dalhousie, 
though  at  first  in  favour  of  annexation,  hesitated  to  efface 
the  historic  house,  and  referred  the  question  to  the  Home 
Government.  The  decision  went  in  favour  of  Bharat  Pal's 
claim,  but  in  the  meanwhile  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  came 
forward  to  oppose  both  Governor-General  and  Home 
Government.  The  appointment  of  Bharat  Pal  was  un- 
popular, said  he,  the  late  raja,  who  had  adopted  him, 
having  been  a  mere  boy,  and  by  Rajput  custom  in  such 
cases  the  nobles  had  the  controlling  voice  and  they  were 
unanimously  in  favour  of  Madan  Pal  who  was  older,  better 
fitted  to  rule,  and  nearer  of  kin.  He  therefore  championed 
the  claims  of  Madan  Pal.  Recognising  the  force  of  Law- 
rence's arguments,  Lord  Dalhousie  adopted  his  views; 
the  State  of  Karauli  was  saved  to  do  good  service  during 
the  Mutiny,  and  the  Rajput  princes  breathed  more  freely. 

Unhappily  much  mischief  had  been  caused  by  the  delay. 
Every  native  court  was  aware  that  an  ancient  dynasty 
had  been  threatened  with  extinction  and  that  the  Governor- 
General  had  contemplated  the  annexation  of  Rajput 
territory,  and  a  feeling  of  uneasiness  prevailed.  No 
kingdom  was  safe ;  the  rumour  spread  that  all  the  Rajput 
states  were  doomed ;  that  the  old  order  was  passing  away. 
Henry  Lawrence  had  saved  Karauli — such  was  the  in- 
correct report — but  those  who  thought  with  him,  who 
sympathised  with  native  sentiment,  were  few  in  number; 
and  when  their  influence  need  no  longer  be  reckoned  with 
the  map  of  India  would  be  uniformly  red. 

Under  quite  different  circumstances  the  doctrine  of 
lapse  had  been  interpreted  in  a  manner  destined  to  have 
an  important  bearing  upon  the  Mutiny  and  upon  the  fate 


Henry  Lawrence  and  the  Rajputs      229 

of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence.  Early  in  the  century  the  head  of 
the  Mahratta  Confederacy  had,  by  an  act  of  unprovoked 
aggression,  forfeited  his  kingdom.  He  had,  however, 
met  with  generous  treatment,  in  the  form  of  a  pension  of 
eight  lacs.  Grateful  for  the  clemency  the  deposed  Peishwa 
rendered  substantial  aid  during  the  Afghan  and  Sikh  wars. 
Previous  to  his  death  in  1851  he  had  adopted  a  kinsman 
known  as  Dundu  Pant — the  Nana  Sahib  of  infamous 
memory,  "  a  quiet,  unostentatious  young  man,  not  at  all 
addicted  to  any  extravagant  habits,  and  invariably  showing 
a  ready  disposition  to  attend  to  the  advice  of  the  British 
Commissioner."  Dundu  Pant,  with  the  rest  of  the  late 
raja's  large  army  of  dependants,  fully  expected  a  continua- 
tion of  the  pension  and  of  the  titular  dignity  hitherto 
accorded,  but  the  decision  of  the  Government  was  against 
him.  Well  aware  that  Lord  Dalhousie  was  immovable 
the  Nana  Sahib  memorialised  the  Company  and  sent  the 
notorious  Azimulla  Khan  to  England,  where,  though  he 
gained  nothing  for  his  master,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of 
becoming  the  lion  of  a  London  season. 

The  extinction  of  the  Mahratta  principalities  would  have 
entailed  consequences  of  comparatively  small  importance, 
serving  chiefly  to  agitate  the  native  mind  and  arouse 
suspicions  and  fears  for  the  future,  had  not  the  closing 
chapter  of  Lord  Dalhousie's  regime  been  so  momentous 
for  good  and  evil.  His  first  act  had  been  the  annexation 
of  the  Punjab,  a  policy  of  benefit  incalculable ;  his  last  was 
the  absorption  of  Oudh,  a  step — taken  on  behalf  of  the 
natives  of  that  unhappy  kingdom — which  hastened  and 
perhaps  made  certain  the  Mutiny.  The  story  of  the 
annexation  of  Oudh  is  essential  to  this  narrative,  leading 
up,  as  it  does,  to  the  crowning  episodes  in  the  lives  of  the 
brothers. 

From  the  date  of  the  East  India  Company's  supremacy  in 
India  the  Mohammedan  viceroys  of  the  important  province 


230         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

of  Oudh  had  been  our  friendly  allies,  and  its  people  had 
been  the  mainstay  of  the  native  army,  so  much  so  that 
the  term  poorbeah,  now  applied  indiscriminately  to  the 
sepoys,  had  originally  served  to  indicate  the  men  from 
Oudh.  For  fifty  years  its  nawabs  (viceroys  of  the  Delhi 
emperor)  had  been  supported  by  British  bayonets  in 
fulfilment  of  a  treaty.  But  though  this  same  treaty  bound 
the  nawab  to  administer  the  country  in  a  manner  that 
"  should  be  conducive  to  the  prosperity  of  his  subjects  " 
and  "  in  conformity  with  the  counsels  of  the  officers  of  the 
East  India  Company,"  Oudh  rapidly  became  the  worst- 
governed  kingdom  of  the  East.  The  reason  was  apparent. 
Tyranny  and  misrule  are  generally  tempered  to  the  power 
of  the  tyrannised  to  resist.  In  Oudh  there  was  no  check  on 
the  profligacy,  vice,  and  extortion  of  the  nawabs,  who 
were  free  from  care,  for  had  not  the  English  undertaken  to 
uphold  them?  The  nawabs  of  Oudh  had  always  been 
loyal  to  the  suzerain  power;  there  was  no  instance  of 
treachery  or  of  aid  given  to  an  enemy.  In  time  of  war 
they  had  supplied  our  armies  with  transport,  grain,  and 
cash;  in  all  matters  other  than  internal  reform  they  had 
been  prompt  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  Government  of  India ; 
and  they  imagined  that  the  Governor-General  would  not 
readily  find  an  excuse  for  the  appropriation  of  their  country. 
In  the  Calcutta  Review  of  a  much  earlier  date  Sir  Henry 
had  pointed  out  that  English  interference  in  Oudh  had 
wrought  harm  to  the  people.  The  paramount  power  was 
compelled  by  treaty  to  place  a  number  of  regiments  at  the 
service  of  the  nawab ;  British  officials  had  the  right  to 
advise  and  threaten  and  otherwise  annoy  the  court  of 
Oudh  by  their  futile  attempts  to  curb  the  king's  desires, 
but  no  power  to  insist  that  their  advice  should  be  acted 
upon.  They  were  thus  placed  in  a  false  position  calculated 
to  harm  rather  than  to  benefit.  The  nawabs  of  Oudh  do 
not  appear  to  have  been  actively  cruel  so  much  as  utterly 


Henry  Lawrence  and  the  Rajputs     231 

indifferent  to  the  consequences  of  their  self-indulgence; 
they  did  that  which  was  evil  because  vice  was  easy  and 
alluring,  not  because  they  found  their  pleasure  in  the 
misery  of  their  subjects.  "  They  had  not  the  energy  to  be 
tyrants,"  said  Kaye. 

The  nawab  had  been  warned  by  successive  administra- 
tions; he  paid  no  heed  and  the  wretchedness  of  Oudh 
increased  year  by  year.  Three  courses  were  open  to  the 
Governor-General ;  to  propose  the  annulment  of  the  treaty 
and  the  withdrawal  of  the  protecting  British  troops  in  the 
hope  that  a  sense  of  his  own  weakness  would  induce  the 
king  to  recognise  at  least  the  folly  of  his  misrule ;  to  depose 
him  and  administer  the  land  for  the  benefit  of  the  natives ; 
and,  thirdly,  to  take  possession  absolutely. 

Until  the  summer  of  1854,  when  Outram  succeeded  him, 
the  Resident  at  Lucknow  (the  capital  of  Oudh)  had  been 
Colonel  Sleeman,  the  suppressor  of  thuggee,  a  man  whose 
views  on  this  and  kindred  topics  coincided  with  those  of 
Henry  Lawrence  and  of  Generals  Low  and  Outram.  His 
advice  was:  "Assume  the  administration  but  do  not 
grasp  the  revenues  of  the  country."1  In  the  Calcutta 
Review  of  1845  Henry  Lawrence  had  written  from  Nepal: 
"  Let  not  a  rupee  come  into  the  Company's  coffers.  Let 
Oudh  be  at  last  governed,  not  for  one  man,  the  King,  but 
for  him  and  his  people."  "  What  the  people  want  and 
most  earnestly  pray  for,"  said  Sleeman,  "  is  that  our 
government  should  take  upon  itself  the  responsibility  of 
governing  them  well  and  permanently.  All  classes,  save 
the  knaves,  who  now  surround  and  govern  the  King, 
earnestly  pray  for  this — the  educated  classes  because  they 
would  then  have  a  chance  of  respectable  employment, 
which  none  of  them  now  have ;  the  middle  classes,  because 
they  find  no  protection  or  encouragement,  and  no  hope 

1  Sleeman's  Correspondence  quoted  in  The  Sepoy  Way,  vol.  i. 
pp.136  et  seq. 


232         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

that  their  children  will  be  permitted  to  inherit  the  property 
they  leave  .  .  .  and  the  humbler  classes,  because  they 
are  now  abandoned  to  the  merciless  rapacity  of  the  starving 
troops.  ..." 

But  while  urging  this  step  upon  the  Court  of  Directors 
Sleeman  sounded  a  note  of  warning,  which  passed  unheeded. 
"  If  we  do  this,"  he  wrote,  "  we  must,  in  order  to  stand  well 
with  the  rest  of  India,  honestly  and  distinctly  disclaim  all 
interested  motives,  and  appropriate  the  whole  of  the 
revenues  for  the  benefit  of  the  People  and  Royal  Family  of 
Oudh.  If  we  do  this  all  India  will  think  us  right."  And 
he  foretold  to  the  Governor-General  that,  otherwise,  "  it 
would  tend  to  accelerate  the  crisis  which  the  doctrine  of 
the  absorbing  school  must  sooner  or  later  bring  upon  us." 

Though  the  doctors  might  differ  as  to  treatment,  they 
were  agreed  that  the  condition  of  Oudh  had  become  so 
critical  that  the  Government  of  India  must  interfere  in  its 
affairs.  The  champions  of  native  states  were  of  opinion 
that  to  absorb  the  province  would  be  to  punish  the  people 
of  Oudh  for  having  been  the  victims  of  oppression.  They 
could  see  what  so  many  Englishmen  were  blind  to — that 
even  though  the  natives  might  acknowledge  that  the  more 
enlightened  principles  of  English  administration  would 
change  their  lot  for  the  better,  they  might  not  care  to 
purchase  this  at  the  price  of  dependence  upon  the  caprice 
of  the  alien,  and  by  the  sacrifice  of  the  birthright  of  their 
children's  children.1  To  put  aside  the  Nawab  and  take 
temporary  charge  of  the  country,  until  such  time  as  a 

1  The  native  point  of  view  was  expressed  to  Mr.  Irwin  [Chapters 
on  Oudh  History  and  Affairs,  p.  174)  by  a  zamindar  of  Oudh,  who 
had  been  one  of  the  chief  sufferers  from  the  nawab's  misrule,  who 
had  gained  in  material  prosperity  by  the  change,  and  who  was  a 
well-wisher  of  the  English.  He  asked  why  the  nawab  had  been 
deposed,  terming  him  "  a  poor  weak  creature,  a  humble  servant 
and  follower  of  the  British,"  and  was  unable  to  understand  that  the 
British  Government  could  no  longer  tolerate  the  misrule  and  dis- 
order of  Oudh.     What  had  that  to  do  with  the  British  Government  ? 


Henry  Lawrence  and  the  Rajputs     233 

capable  and  upright  native  ruler  might  be  found  or  trained, 
would  be  not  only  justifiable  but  a  moral  duty  that  the 
Company  should  not  seek  to  evade. 

But  Lord  Dalhousie  was  immovably  convinced  that  the 
unhappy  country  could  derive  only  temporary  benefit 
from  such  temporary  arrangement.  On  June  18,  1855, 
he  signed  the  Minute  in  which  he  advocated  that,  though 
the  king  might  retain  his  crown,  "  all  powers,  jurisdiction, 
rights,  and  claims  "  were  to  be  vested  in  the  Company, 
and,  "  the  surplus  revenue  to  be  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Company."  But  the  Home  Government  declared  for 
annexation  pure  and  simple;  in  February  1856  Oudh 
became  a  British  province,  and  Lord  Dalhousie,  who, 
with  a  sense  of  duty  that  was  nothing  less  than  heroic, 
had  stayed  in  India  beyond  his  time,  at  the  risk  and,  as 
it  proved,  at  the  cost  of  his  life,  in  order  to  complete  his 
task,  handed  over  the  government  to  Lord  Canning. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

(May  1856  -May  1857) 

LUCKNOW   AND   OUDH 

Henry  Lawrence  in  Lucknow — Disaffection — Causes  of  Discontent — 
The  Greased  Cartridges — Mungul  Pandy — Lawrence's  Popu- 
larity and  Influence — An  Abortive  Revolt — Speech  to  the 
People. 

Outram,  who  had  remained  at  Lucknow  as  Chief  Com- 
missioner, soon  broke  down  in  health  and  the  post  became 
vacant.  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  who  had  recently  refused 
Lord  Dalhousie's  offer  of  Hyderabad  because  of  ill-health, 
was  attracted  by  the  thought  of  the  good  work  he  might 
do  in  the  newly-annexed  province.  He  wrote  to  Lord 
Canning  to  express  his  readiness  to  undertake  the  task, 
and  "  the  first  misfortune  that  befell  the  ministry  of  Lord 
Canning  " l  was  that  the  letter  conveying  the  proposal 
arrived  too  late.  Mr.  Coverley  Jackson  had  already  been 
appointed. 

Under  the  new  regime  the  classes  hitherto  privileged 
fared  badly  indeed  and  native  susceptibility  was  held  in 
slight  regard.  Mr.  Jackson  loved  a  stormy  atmosphere 
and  his  time  was  largely  taken  up  by  disputations  with 
his  colleagues;  Mr.  Martin  Gubbins,  the  Financial  Com- 
missioner, was  equally  keen  to  fight,  and  all  idea  of  a 
beneficent  administration  of  Oudh  seemed  to  have  been 
abandoned  in  favour  of  a  series  of  interminable  contro- 
versies. 

Thirty-four  years  had  passed  since  Henry  Lawrence,  the 

1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  p.  7. 
234 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  235 

young  man  rejoicing  in  his  strength,  had  first  set  foot  in 
India.  The  climate  and  the  endless  work  had  broken 
down  the  stalwart  frame,  and  now,  in  the  autumn  of  1856, 
he  was  compelled  by  ill-health  to  ask  Lord  Canning  for 
home  leave.  He  had  been  a  martyr  to  Arracan  fever 
ever  since  as  a  youth  he  took  part  in  the  First  Burma  War, 
and  had  only  spent  a  few  months  in  England  during  the 
last  twenty-seven  years.  The  leave  was  granted,  but 
before  he  had  made  his  preparations  for  departure  came 
a  tempting  offer  from  the  Viceroy,  who,  having  arrived 
at  the  conclusion  that  Mr.  Jackson's  reign  in  Oudh  was 
impracticable,  now  asked  if  Sir  Henry  would  like  the 
responsibility. 

A  fallen  people  to  be  raised  from  the  dust;  a  sullen, 
vicious  upper  class  to  be  reconciled ;  fifty  thousand  dis- 
banded levies  to  be  settled  peacefully;  a  discontented 
peasantry  and  yeomanry  to  be  helped — here  were  tasks 
peculiarly  suited  to  his  genius  and  temperament.  Might 
not  the  ardour  of  his  sympathy  with  those  who  had  as  yet 
experienced  little  consideration  at  the  hands  of  the  English, 
and  his  interest  in  so  great  and  difficult  a  work,  have  a 
favourable  effect  upon  his  health?  He  sought  medical 
advice  and  replied  that  he  was  ready  to  go  to  Lucknow 
at  a  day's  notice ;  that  though  five  or  six  distinct  diseases 
had  laid  hold  of  him,  and  though  four  doctors  had  delivered 
the  verdict  that  he  must  leave  India,  his  own  doctor,  who 
knew  the  elasticity  of  his  constitution,  was  of  opinion  that 
an  employment  into  which  he  could  throw  himself  with 
zest  might  prove  beneficial.  He  quitted  Rajputana 
towards  the  close  of  the  winter  of  1856-1857,  his  office 
there  being  taken  by  his  brother  George,  as  his  place  in  the 
Punjab  had  been  filled  by  John.  The  Rajputs  had  come 
to  regard  him  as  their  champion;  his  courteous  and 
chivalrous  bearing,  his  benevolent,  paternal  guidance,  and 
his  sympathetic  interest  in  their  affairs  had  gained  their 
affection,  and  his  strength  of  purpose  their  respect. 


236         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

From  Agra  he  wrote  to  Edwardes : 

"...  You  say  you  are  sorry  I  am  going.  And  so  am 
I.  I  give  up  a  great  deal,  indeed  all  my  private  desires, 
my  little  daughter,  my  sons,  my  sisters,  and  probably  my 
health.  But  I  could  not  withstand  the  offer,  made  as  it 
was  by  Lord  Canning;  I  have  also  the  vanity  to  think  I 
can  do  good.  .  .  .  Man  can  but  die  once,  and  if  I  die  in 
Oude,  after  having  saved  some  poor  fellows'  hearths,  or 
skins,  or  izzut  (reputation),  I  shall  have  no  reason  for 
discontent.  .  .  .  But  the  price  I  pay  is  high,  for  I  had 
quite  set  my  heart  on  going  home."  * 

"  Dented  all  over  with  defeats  and  disappointments, 
honourable  scars  in  the  eyes  of  the  bystanders,"  as  Edwardes 
had  said  at  an  earlier  date,  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  who, 
"  had  fought  every  losing  battle  for  the  old  Chiefs  and 
Jaghirdars  with  entire  disregard  to  his  own  interests,"2 
arrived  in  Lucknow  in  March  1857.  He  immediately 
visited  the  gaols  and  found  the  sentries  at  the  mercy  of  the 
prisoners.  The  military  arrangements  were  equally  bad, 
the  troops,  having  been  scattered  over  the  district,  would 
be  unable  to  afford  mutual  support,  and  the  magazine  was 
practically  unprotected.  He  promptly  changed  all  this. 
Mr.  Jackson,  whom  he  was  superseding,  he  found  amiable, 
energetic,  and  kindly,  "  though  I  told  him  he  was  very 
wrong  in  some  of  his  acts ;  "  the  masterful  Martin  Gubbins 
he  liked  and  admired,  though  firmly  opposed  to  his  fiscal 
arrangements;  and  both  Gubbins  and  Ommaney,  the 
Judicial  Commissioner,  needed  a  strong  man  over  them. 
The  policy  of  the  Dead  Level3  had  been  fatal.  The 
talukdars — the  large  landholders  of  Oudh — had  been 
brought  down  to  the  wretched  condition  of  the  common 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  279. 

2  Raikes,  Notes  on  the  Revolt,  p.  33. 

3  The  term  applied  by  opponents  to  the  theory  of  the  Thomason 
School  that  there  should  be  no  intermediate  class  between  the 
peasantry  and  the  Government. 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  237 

people,  but  what  benefit  had  accrued  by  the  process  would 
be  hard  to  discover,  for  greater  pains  had  been  taken  to 
punish  the  wrong-doer  than  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of 
the  victim.  The  peasantry  had  gained  nothing  thereby 
and,  strangely  enough,  they  were  in  no  wise  grateful  to  the 
oppressors  of  their  oppressors,  as  the  satisfaction  of  know- 
ing that  the  mighty  had  been  put  down  from  their  seats 
had  not  filled  the  hungry  with  good  things. 

A  talukdar  was  nominally  a  revenue-contractor,  author- 
ised to  collect  the  revenue  of  a  district  and  to  keep  what 
remained  after  the  payment  of  a  stipulated  sum  to  the 
Mohammedan  ruler.  Some  of  the  Oudh  talukdars  had 
secured  this  privilege  by  the  simple  process  of  bidding 
higher  than  their  competitors ;  others  were  the  descendants 
of  Hindu  rajas,  who  had  been  granted  the  right  over  their 
former  estates  in  order  to  reconcile  them  to  the  rule  of  the 
Mogul.  The  weakness  and  laxity  of  the  nawabs  of  Oudh 
had  prompted  many  talukdars  to  increase  their  estates,  and 
at  the  same  time  their  privileges,  at  the  expense  of  the 
smaller  proprietors  and  village  communities,  and  as  there 
was  little  check  on  their  rapacity,  they  had  naturally 
developed  into  tyrants.  When  Oudh  was  annexed  no  less 
than  two-thirds  of  the  province  was  in  the  hands  of  these 
"  feudal  barons."  No  sooner  was  the  country  brought 
under  English  rule  than  the  talukdars  were  punished  for 
their  own  crimes  or  the  sins  of  their  forefathers.  Although 
they  had  been  given  to  understand  that  for  three  years, 
pending  inquiry,  they  would  be  permitted  to  remain  in 
possession  of  all  lands  held  at  the  date  of  annexation, 
General  Outram's  successor  was  much  too  impatient  to 
await  the  result  of  a  thorough  inquiry  before  despoiling 
of  their  supposed  plunder  those  whom  he  considered  no 
better  than  robbers.  Most  of  the  talukdars,  who  then 
lost  villages  and  lands,  had  little  claim  to  sympathy,  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  others  suffered  mainly  on  account 

Q 


238         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

of  the  bad  name  of  their  class.  The  whole  aristocracy  of 
Oudh  was  treated  harshly;  pensions  and  allowances  that 
had  been  promised  were  withheld,  and  many  nobles  and 
ladies  of  the  court  were  brought  to  a  pitiable  state  of 
destitution. 

Had  Lord  Dalhousie  remained  in  India  he  would  have 
secured  obedience  to  his  orders  and  fulfilment  of  his  pledges ; 
but  Lord  Canning,  being  new  to  India,  was  naturally 
reluctant  to  overrule  an  administrator  of  experience, 
though  he  repeatedly  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  Mr. 
Jackson's  methods. 

When  Sir  Henry  arrived  in  Lucknow  the  talukdars 
were  openly  disaffected.  To  retrieve  the  errors  of  his 
predecessor  and  efface  the  consequences  of  half  a  century 
of  misrule  was  humanly  impossible  of  accomplishment  in 
the  six  weeks  during  which  he  governed  the  province. 
But  he  achieved  more  than  might  have  been  deemed 
possible.  The  condition  of  the  peasantry  had  first  to  be 
improved,  but  he  did  not  set  about  the  task  by  stripping 
the  talukdars  of  the  little  that  remained  to  them.  These 
were  given  opportunities  to  lay  their  cases  before  him  in 
durbar  and  in  private,  and  Mr.  Gubbins  has  said  that 
"  all  returned  satisfied  and  hopeful,  all  congratulated 
themselves  on  having  found  a  ruler  so  well  disposed  to 
listen  to  their  grievances  and  remedy  them."  They  had, 
however,  no  reason  to  hope  that  the  sympathetic  Chief 
Commissioner  would  condone  wrong-doing  or  that  he  would 
permit  them  to  retain  any  land  of  which  they  had  taken 
unlawful  possession,  but  they  appreciated  his  sympathy 
and  his  consideration.  Though  time  did  not  permit  him  to 
review  the  whole  number  of  cases,  he  was  able  to  remedy 
several  instances  of  injustice,  and  the  hostility  of  the 
talukdars  seemed  likely  to  abate.  Before  many  months 
had  passed  English  refugees  had  reason  to  be  thankful 
that  Henry  Lawrence  had  tempered  justice  with  charity. 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  239 

For  though  the  great  majority  of  the  talukdars  joined 
forces  with  the  mutineers,  they  acted  with  greater  modera- 
tion than  they  would  have  done  had  they  still  regarded  all 
Englishmen  as  enemies.  When  the  Englishwomen  of  the 
province — wives  and  daughters  of  the  official  instruments 
of  their  humiliation — were  refugees  in  their  domains, 
absolutely  at  their  mercy,  the  talukdars,  with  one  or  two 
exceptions,  connived  at  their  escape. 

After  the  Mutiny  a  reaction  set  in  strongly  in  favour  of 
the  talukdars,  who  were  then  established  as  proprietors  of 
estates  to  which  even  they  had  hardly  dared  to  lay  claim, 
and  it  was  John  Lawrence  who,  nearly  ten  years  later, 
restored  to  the  ryot  and  petty  zamindar  of  Oudh  some  few 
of  the  rights  they  had  lost  while  the  talukdars  were  a 
petted  class.  Here  was  an  instance  of  the  harm  wrought 
by  that  type  of  reforming  zeal  which  concentrates  its 
energy  upon  the  punishing  of  the  oppressor  rather  than 
upon  making  amends  to  the  oppressed.  It  is  probable 
that  if  Henry  Lawrence,  the  chief  opponent  of  the  Dead 
Level  policy,  had  been  sent  to  Oudh  when  the  influence 
of  the  Thomason  School  was  at  its  height,  the  abuses  of  the 
talukdar  system  would  have  been  rectified  and  the  privi- 
leges of  the  talukdars  curtailed  so  judiciously  that  there 
would  have  been  no  excuse  for  their  subsequent  petting 
as  an  ill-used  class;  and  therefore  John  Lawrence — the 
most  distinguished  of  that  school — would  not  have  been 
called  upon  to  confirm  the  talukdars  in  the  greater  part  of 
their  unjustly  acquired  possessions  in  order  to  restore  a 
portion  to  the  original  owners. 

Sir  John  Kaye  has  described  how  Sir  Henry's  eyes  were 
opened  to  the  wide-spread  discontent  prevailing  among 
the  sepoys,  and  his  mind  to  an  apprehension  of  coming 
trouble.  Long  ago  he  had  perceived  the  danger,  but  had 
not  foreseen  its  imminence.  He  now  sought  the  opinions 
of  many  of  the  more  intelligent  sepoys  and  native  officers, 


240         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

and  warned  Lord  Canning  that  the  Bengal  Army,  in- 
fluenced by  hatred  or  by  blind  panic,  was  prepared  to 
accept  any  rumour,  however  wild,  of  the  intentions  of  the 
English  to  put  aside  native  rule,  to  convert  forcibly  or 
fraudulently  to  Christianity,  to  ignore  all  native  sentiment, 
prejudice,  and  tradition,  and,  in  fact,  to  paint  the  brown 
man  white.  Many  who  had  served  the  Government 
faithfully  were  filled  by  a  vague  dread  that,  in  spite  of  their 
own  officers  whom  they  loved  and  held  guiltless,  and  in 
spite  of  their  confidence  in  many  of  the  British  officials,  the 
Supreme  Government  had  determined  sooner  or  later,  if 
one  means  failed  then  by  another,  to  destroy  their  caste 
and  all  that  they  held  dear.  Argument  was  unavailing. 
Even  those  who  had  not  lost  their  heads,  who  might  be 
convinced  that  their  fears  were  groundless,  were  afraid 
of  their  comrades.  By  confiding  in  the  good  intentions 
of  the  English  they  would  lose  their  caste,  their  most 
precious  possession,  and  their  loyalty  would  be  their  social 
ruin.  If  friends,  parents,  brethren,  should  refuse  to  eat 
or  drink  or  hold  intercourse  with  them,  what  satisfaction 
would  they  derive  from  the  approbation  of  the  alien  ? 

Why  then  were  no  precautions  taken  ?  Why  was  the 
whole  land  from  Delhi  to  Calcutta  given  over  to  the  sepoy, 
and  Bengal,  Oudh,  and  the  North- West  Provinces  denuded 
of  British  regiments?  The  fault  did  not  lie  with  him 
whom  men  most  truly  addressed  as  "  the  most  noble  the 
Governor-General."  The  proofs  of  fidelity  given  under 
most  trying  conditions,  and  the  complacent  self-assurance 
that  British  control  must  be  appreciated  by  the  natives 
because  it  had  brought  peace,  encouraged  industry  and 
commerce,  and  manifestly  attempted  to  secure  justice — 
these  reflections  were  a  flattering  unction  to  the  soul,  and 
they  supply  the  answer.  The  loyalty  of  the  native  troops 
to  their  salt  had  passed  into  a  proverb,  and  the  officers, 
whom  they  had  followed  to  victory  after  victory,  would 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  241 

not  believe  that  their  "  children  "  could  turn  against  them. 
When  wounded  they  had  been  tended  by  their  brown- 
skinned  warriors  with  a  gentleness  that  could  not  be 
exceeded.  They  had  watched  with  quiet  pleasure  the 
simple  delight  of  the  native  soldiers  in  making  happy  the 
children  of  their  sahibs,  and  the  affection  existing  between 
the  sepoys  and  the  little  ones.  Unable  to  follow  the 
seemingly  inconsistent  workings  of  the  Asiatic  mind,  they 
were  content  blindly  to  accept  them  as  evidences  of  the 
intellectual  inferiority  of  the  Indian  peoples ;  and  they 
knew  that,  whereas  the  Company's  white  soldiers  had 
more  than  once  shown  dangerous  symptoms,  the  out- 
breaks of  the  sepoy  had  hitherto  resembled  the  naughtiness 
of  a  child,  who  injures  himself  more  than  others.  The 
Company's  officers  had  many  virtues,  but  genius  was  no 
more  common  among  them  than  elsewhere ;  they  over- 
looked the  fact  that  a  passive  acquiescence  is  the  most 
favourable  sentiment  that  the  rule  of  the  alien  is  likely  to 
inspire  ;  that  the  gulf  between  the  races  is  not  to  be  bridged 
over  while  they  cannot  eat  and  drink  together,  nor  inter- 
marry ;  and  as  to  English  justice — in  the  words  of  Herbert 
Edwardes — "  is  there  any  such  frightful  bore  in  the  world 
as  your  Aristides?  "  So  the  incendiary  fires  and  similar 
warnings  were  treated  as  childish  outbursts  that  would 
soon  run  their  course. 

The  disproportion  between  native  and  European  soldiers 
has  been  given  as  the  main  cause  of  the  Mutiny,  but  this 
statement  is  no  more  than  a  half-truth.  It  is  true  that 
without  such  disproportion  there  might  have  been  no 
rising;  it  was  the  factor  that  gave  hope  of  success  and 
placed  temptation  before  the  sepoys,  and,  perhaps,  even 
made  a  mutiny  inevitable.  But  "  the  matter  of  seditions 
is  of  two  kinds,  much  poverty  and  much  discontentment. 
It  is  certain  so  many  overthrown  estates,  so  many  votes 
for  troubles.  .  .  .     The  causes  and  motives  of  seditions  are, 


242         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

innovations  in  religion,  taxes,  alterations  of  laws  and 
customs,  breaking  of  privileges,  general  oppression,  ad- 
vancement of  unworthy  persons,  strangers,  dearths,  dis- 
banded soldiers,  factions  grown  desperate ;  and  whatsoever 
in  offending  people,  joineth  and  knitteth  them  in  a  common 
cause."  * 

That  Oudh,  the  home  of  the  sepoys,  and  certain  of  the 
Mahratta  states  were  disaffected,  and  that  India  in  general 
was  uneasy  and  therefore  liable  to  panic,  has  been  shown. 
The  fine  qualities  of  some  of  the  best  men  of  the  new  school 
of  administrators  were  shorn  of  much  of  their  virtue  by  a 
lack  of  sympathetic  insight.  The  landed  proprietors — the 
class  with  whom  they  had  dealt  most  hardly — were  the 
most  powerful  of  the  natives,  and  their  influence  had  not 
been  recognised  by  the  advocates  of  an  English  standard 
of  reform.  Alongside  those  who  had  already  been  dis- 
possessed of  their  estates,  the  nobles  that  went  in  fear 
lest  their  turn  should  come  swiftly  would  surely  range 
themselves. 

There  were  also  Brahman  intriguers  at  work,  chief  of 
whom  was  Dundu  Pant,  of  Bithur ;  there  were  Mohammedans 
who  dreamt  of  a  new  Mogul  Empire  rising  from  the  ashes 
of  the  old  Delhi  dynasty ;  and  the  Moslem  king  and  court 
of  Oudh  were  intent  on  revenge.  There  was  discontent 
in  an  army  that  had  little  to  offer  to  the  ambitious.  In 
the  native  armies  of  bygone  days  each  sepoy  carried  in  his 
knapsack  the  baton  of  a  field-marshal ;  the  trooper  who 
possessed  a  good  horse,  a  sharp  sword,  and  a  strong  arm, 
might  carve  his  way  to  empire.  Without  going  back  to 
times  remote,  what  had  been  Ranjit  Singh's  start  in  life, 
and  who  were  Scindia  and  Holkar?  Henry  Lawrence 
had  pointed  out  again  and  again  that  though  the  Company 
provided  a  career  satisfactory  to  nine  out  of  ten  native 
officers,  the  capable  tenth  man  was  not  content  with  a 
1  Bacon,  Of  Seditions  and  Troubles, 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  243 

position  which  must  always  be  inferior  to  that  of  the 
English  subaltern. 

The  sepoys  were  now  clothed,  accoutred,  and  drilled 
after  the  European  model.  They  were  compelled  to  wear 
a  head  dress  abominated  by  Mussulman  and  Hindu  alike ; 
the  Brahmans  were  forbidden  to  wear  the  cherished  caste- 
mark  on  their  foreheads ;  the  ear-rings,  which  were  regarded 
as  charms  against  evil  spirits,  were  no  longer  permitted; 
the  Mohammedans  were  deprived  of  the  beards  of  which 
they  had  been  so  proud;  and  in  other  ways  native  senti- 
ment had  been  impatiently  ignored  by  Englishmen  who 
could  not  understand  that  customs,  which  to  them  appeared 
most  childish,  could  be  so  dear  to  the  hearts  of  the  sepoys. 

The  extension  of  the  Company's  dominions  to  Burma 
and  Pegu  had  given  further  cause  of  complaint.  The 
Hindu  sepoys  are  attached  to  their  homes,  and  service 
beyond  the  seas  is  most  distasteful.  No  increase  of  pay 
could  compensate  for  the  homesickness  and  the  loss  of 
caste  involved  by  crossing  the  "  black  water."  Biding 
their  time  the  crafty  Brahmans  and  ambitious  schemers 
watched  the  growing  restiveness  with  satisfaction.  The 
native  soldiers  were  patient  and  long-suffering;  they  were 
attached  to  their  officers,  to  their  regiments,  and  to  their 
profession.  The  pay  was  good;  the  pension  was  sure; 
and  the  hour  was  not  yet  ripe  for  mutiny.  But  the 
Asiatic  can  wait. 

And  suddenly  the  chance  came.  The  authorities  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  intriguers  a  weapon  more  potent  for 
evil  than  any  their  own  invention  was  likely  to  devise. 
"  It  was  so  terrible  a  thing,  that  if  the  most  malignant 
enemies  of  the  British  Government  had  sat  in  conclave 
for  years  and  brought  an  excess  of  devilish  ingenuity  to 
bear,"  *  they  could  have  produced  nothing  better  calculated 
to  implant  blind  terror  in  the  breasts  of  the  sepoys  and, 
1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  p.  490. 


244         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

by  offending  Hindu  and  Mohammedan  alike,  to  drive  them 
coupled  to  desperation. 

"  If  there  be  fuel  prepared,  it  is  hard  to  tell  whence  the 
spark  shall  come  that  shall  set  it  on  fire."  1  The  new  rifled 
muskets  had  recently  superseded  the  old  Brown  Bess,  and 
the  sepoys  were  loud  in  their  praise  of  the  paternal  Govern- 
ment which  had  given  them  a  firearm  with  a  range  more 
than  double  that  of  the  muskets  of  any  probable  enemy. 
"  But  unhappily,  these  rifled  barrels  could  not  be  loaded 
without  the  lubrication  of  the  cartridge.  And  the  voice 
of  joy  and  praise  was  suddenly  changed  into  a  wild  cry  of 
grief  and  despair  when  it  was  bruited  abroad  that  the 
cartridge,  the  end  of  which  was  to  be  bitten  off  by  the 
sepoy,  was  greased  with  the  fat  of  the  detested  swine  of 
the  Mohammedan,  or  the  venerated  cow  of  the  Hindu."2 

The  tidings  flashed  from  cantonment  to  cantonment  in 
that  mysterious  fashion  peculiar  to  India.  The  fiat  had 
gone  forth — so  ran  the  rumour — that  the  barriers  of  caste 
were  to  be  broken  down  and  that  the  Mussulman  was  to  be 
rendered  unclean,  in  the  expectation  that  when  the  sepoys 
had  defiled  their  lips  with  the  accursed  thing  and  so  had 
forfeited  all  hope  of  future  bliss  they  would  turn  to  the 
refuge  offered  by  the  Christian  religion.  Regiment  after 
regiment  refused  to  bite  the  cartridge  ;  the  officers  reasoned 
with  their  men — some  threatened  them;  the  sepoys  were 
told  that  mutton-fat  only  had  been  used,  and  were  given 
permission  to  make  their  own  lubrication  of  beeswax  and 
ghee.  But  no  argument  could  convince  them  that  the 
cartridges  were  innocent  of  offence — the  more  so  that  a 
small  quantity  of  beef-fat  had  through  carelessness  been 
used.  A  panic  had  seized  them  and  all  concessions  were 
regarded  as  evidence  that,  this  trap  having  been  laid  bare, 
the  English  were  ready  to  give  way,  make  a  show  of  con- 

1  Bacon,  Of  Seditions  and  Troubles. 
-  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  p.  1.89. 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  245 

ciliation — and  invent  another  scheme  wherewith  to  effect 
their  purpose.  If  permission  was  given  to  use  their  own 
materials,  said  the  Brahmans,  it  was  because  the  ghee  had 
been  defiled.  They  were  also  told — and  credulity  went 
hand  in  hand  with  fear — that  ground  bullock-bones  had 
been  mixed  with  the  flour  served  out  to  the  troops.  Those 
sepoys  who,  in  ignorance,  or  because  they  trusted  their 
officers,  had  bitten  the  cartridges  found  themselves  out- 
casts. Their  comrades,  even  their  brethren,  would  no 
longer  eat  or  drink  or  smoke  with  them,  and  what  such 
living  death  means  to  the  twice-born  Hindu  no  European 
can  conceive.  No  wonder  that  the  victims  hated  the 
unclean  aliens  who  had  brought  them  to  this  pass.  The 
sepoys  are  like  sheep,  said  a  rebel  officer  to  Henry  Lawrence, 
"  the  leading  one  tumbles  down,  and  all  the  rest  roll  over 
him."  At  Barrackpore,  near  Calcutta,  on  March  29,  1857, 
Mungul  Pandy  fired  the  opening  shot  of  the  Sepoy  War 
and  endowed  the  mutineers  with  a  new  name. 

A  month  of  excitement  and  anxiety  followed  the 
execution  of  the  first  pandy.  From  the  Indus  to  the 
Hughli  the  glare  of  incendiary  fires  chased  sleep  from  the 
eyes  of  the  white  men.  Yet  the  regiments  did  not  break 
loose  and  the  outnumbered  English  clung  to  the  hope 
that  the  trouble  would  pass. 

During  the  month  of  April  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  who  had 
seven  hundred  British  soldiers  in  Lucknow  to  hold  in  check 
8000  sepoys  backed  by  twice  that  number  of  the  nawab's 
disbanded  troops,  prepared  to  meet  the  crisis.  He  spoke 
reassuringly  to  the  sepoys,  and,  to  some  extent,  succeeded 
in  calming  their  excitement.  He  held  durbars  to  which 
the  Oudh  chieftains  came  in  force,  and  there  he  gave 
counsel  to  the  wavering  and  encouragement  to  the  loyally- 
disposed.  He  reminded  the  assemblies  that  under  English 
rule  no  sect  had  ever  been  persecuted ;  to  the  Mussulman 
he  pointed  out  that  in  the  Punjab  the  Sikh  yoke  had  been 


246        The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

removed,  and  that  in  the  cities  of  the  Man j  ha  the  muezzin 
again  summoned  the  faithful  to  prayer;  he  asked  the 
Hindu  if  his  lot  had  not  been  made  more  easy  in  the 
Mohammedan  states.  Though  the  panic  had  struck  its 
roots  too  deep  to  be  easily  removed,  and  though  Lucknow 
was  the  seat  of  disaffection,  the  personal  magnetism  of 
the  speaker  was  not  unavailing;  the  outbreak  there  was 
delayed  and  its  potency  for  harm  diminished. 

But  while  he  kept  a  cheerful  face,  showed  little  sign  of 
depression  and  anxiety,  and  appeared  to  hope  for  the  best, 
he  was  quietly  anticipating  and  preparing  for  the  worst. 
With  his  finger-tip  on  the  pulse  of  disaffection  he  disarmed 
one  corps  before  it  could  strike,  and  schemed  —  and 
partially  succeeded — to  commit  sepoys  of  the  other  regi- 
ments to  the  English  side.  Dundu  Pant,  who  visited 
Lucknow  about  this  time — with  what  fell  design  may  be 
guessed — he  received  with  his  accustomed  courtesy,  but 
he  warned  General  Wheeler  at  Cawnpore  unavailingly 
against  the  arch-traitor  who  professed  such  attachment 
to  English  men  and  English  ways.  Without  alarming  or 
exasperating  the  poorbeahs  he  segregated  the  few  score 
Sikhs  and  a  number  of  selected  Hindus  and  Mohammedans 
from  the  various  corps,  and  resolved  to  rely  upon  them — 
the  "  dark  faces  .  .  .  faithful  and  few,"  of  Tennyson's  ballad 
— as  upon  the  white  men  of  the  32nd.  Some  of  the  Sikhs 
had  probably  seen  him  in  the  old  days ;  they  all  knew  his 
reputation,  and  the  ikbal  of  Henry  Lawrence  was  no  light 
thing  to  the  followers  of  Govind ;  and  even  with  the 
poorbeahs  his  popularity  had  grown  so  rapidly  that  it 
proved  sufficient  to  keep  many  sepoys  and  talukdars  loyal 
personally  to  himself  though  their  hearts  were  with  their 
comrades.  "  They  had  a  saying,"  wrote  Colonel  Wilson,1 
"  that  when  Sir  Henry  looked  twice  up  to  heaven  and 
once  down  to  earth,  and  then  stroked  his  beard,  he  knew 
what  to  do." 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  311, 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  247 

In  the  same  memorandum  Colonel  Wilson  says : 
"  Although  he  had  been  so  short  a  time  at  Lucknow,  he 
had  taken  a  wonderful  hold  of  the  respect  and  love  of  the 
European  soldiery.  One  day  before  the  siege  Sir  Henry 
had  ordered  all  the  garrison  to  repair  to  the  posts  they 
would  have  to  occupy  in  the  event  of  an  attack.  He  then 
went  round  to  see  them  in  their  places.  On  approaching 
the  main  body  of  her  Majesty's  32nd,  the  men  raised  a 
tremendous  cheer.  Sir  Henry  asked  Colonel  Inglis  why 
he  had  made  them  do  this.  Colonel  Inglis  said  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it  except  trying  to  stop  it.  The  men 
had  broken  out  into  cheers  quite  spontaneously.  .  .  . 
There  was  a  paper  published  in  Lucknow.  One  day  the 
editor  wrote  a  very  mischievous  article  against  Govern- 
ment, and  Sir  Henry  sent  for  him  and  warned  him  that  if 
he  wrote  again  to  excite  the  natives,  he  would  suppress  the 
paper.  Soon  after  this  Sir  Henry  was  riding  by  the  house 
where  the  paper  was  edited,  and  seeing  the  name  up,  said 
to  his  staff,  '  Let  us  go  in  and  edit  the  paper  for  Mr.  K.' 
Going  in  he  said,  '  Mr.  K.,  to  show  you  I  bear  you  no  ill- 
will,  I  am  come  to  write  you  a  leading  article.'  He  then 
made  the  staff  sit  down,  and  gave  Mr.  K.  all  the  military 
views  of  the  day,  while  he  himself  dashed  off  a  rapid 
review  of  all  the  resources  at  the  command  of  Government 
for  meeting  and  putting  down  the  mutiny.  The  article 
did  a  great  deal  of  good  at  the  time." 

The  first  symptom  of  active  disloyalty  in  the  Lucknow 
district  was  displayed  on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  May  3, 
by  the  7th  Oudh  Irregular  Infantry,  stationed  at  Musa 
Bagh,  a  suburb  some  miles  to  the  north-west  of  the 
Residency.  But  though  they  seized  their  arms,  took 
possession  of  the  magazine,  and  loudly  announced  their 
determination  to  murder  all  their  officers,  these  sepoys  of 
the  7th,  though  ripe  for  any  mischief  if  not  attended  by 
much  risk,  proved  themselves  to  be  but  blustering  traitors. 


248         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Cowed  by  the  resolution  of  their  officers  they  returned  to 
their  quarters,  and  in  the  evening  Sir  Henry  ordered  the 
regiment  to  parade.  As  the  sepoys  fell  in,  they  heard  the 
distant  tramp  of  men  and  horses  and  the  rattle  and  clank 
of  the  guns,  and  before  they  had  realised  its  import  the 
European  artillery  and  infantry  and  the  irregular  cavalry 
were  within  striking  distance.  Some  few  fled  and  were 
captured;  the  majority  laid  down  their  arms,  were  placed 
under  arrest,  and  the  troops  marched  back  to  cantonments. 
A  few  days  later  Sir  Henry  summoned  the  chief  men  of 
the  district,  the  native  officers,  and  a  proportion  of  sepoys 
from  each  corps  to  a  durbar  in  the  grounds  of  the  Resi- 
dency to  witness,  not  the  punishment  of  the  rebels,  but 
the  rewards  conferred  upon  loyalty. 

"Soldiers!"  he  said,  "Soldiers!  some  persons  are 
abroad  spreading  reports  that  the  Government  desire  to 
interfere  with  the  religion  of  their  soldiers;  you  all  know 
this  to  be  a  transparent  falsehood;  you,  and  your  fore- 
fathers before  you,  well  know  and  knew  that  for  more  than 
a  hundred  years  the  religion  of  your  countrymen  has 
never  been  interfered  with."  He  reminded  the  assembly 
that  for  many  centuries  India  had  had  no  experience  of 
such  religious  toleration  as  came  with  English  rule,  and 
after  warning  them  of  the  might  of  England,  he  appealed 
to  their  esprit  de  corps.  "  All  governments  employ  and 
cherish  the  faithful  and  the  zealous,  and  punish  the  luke- 
warm and  ungrateful.  No  army  in  the  world  has  done 
better  service  than  that  of  Bengal.  I  am  a  witness  to  this 
fact ;  so  are  these  gallant  officers,  Brigadiers  Handscombe 
and  Gray,  Colonels  Halford  and  Palmer,  and  many,  many 
officers  now  present,  who  have  led  you  to  victory,  fought 
at  your  head,  and  bled  in  your  ranks — whose  well-earned 
decorations  attest  your  bravery,  and  which  are  the  proud 
records  of  many  a  well-contested  field  won  by  your  valour, 
your    discipline,    your    intrepidity.     Many,    like    myself, 


Lucknow  and  Oudh  249 

have  grown  grey  in  your  company ;  have  been  associated 
with  you  from  our  boyhood ;  have  shared  in  your  campaigns ; 
have  participated  in  all  your  dangers,  privations,  and 
triumphs,  in  camp  and  in  quarters — from  the  swamps  of 
Burmah  to  the  snows  of  Bamean.  We  are  all  your  friends 
— our  interests  are  inseparable ;  if  your  faces  are  blackened, 
so  are  ours ;  if  any  dishonour  befalls  you  do  we  not  suffer  ? 
Let  there  be  no  lukewarmness.  .  .  .  The  guilt  of  many  has 
been  that  they  simply  looked  on  at  the  vile  wickedness  of 
a  few. 

"  Take  warning!  Now  turn  to  these  good  and  faithful 
soldiers — Subahdar  Sewak  Tewaree,  Havildar  Heera  Lall 
Doobee,  Ramnath  Doobee,  Sepahee  of  the  48th  N.  I., 
and  to  Hosein  Buksh,  of  the  13th  Regiment,  who  have  set 
to  you  all  a  good  example.  The  three  first  at  once  arrested 
the  bearer  of  a  seditious  letter,  and  brought  the  whole 
circumstances  to  the  notice  of  superior  authority.  You 
know  well  what  the  consequences  were :  and  what  has 
befallen  the  7th  Oudh  Irregular  Infantry.  Look  at  Hosein 
Buksh  of  the  13th,  fine  fellow  as  he  is.  Is  he  not  a  good 
and  faithful  soldier? — did  he  not  seize  three  villains,  who 
are  now  in  confinement  and  awaiting  their  doom?  It  is 
to  reward  such  fidelity,  such  acts  and  deeds  as  I  have 
mentioned,  and  of  which  you  are  all  well  aware,  that  I  have 
called  you  all  together  this  day,  to  assure  you  that  those 
who  are  faithful  and  true  to  their  salt  will  always  be  amply 
rewarded  and  well  cared  for;  that  the  great  Government 
which  we  all  serve  is  prompt  to  reward,  swift  to  punish, 
vigilant,  anxious,  eager  to  protect  its  faithful  subjects ; 
but  firm,  determined,  resolute,  to  crush  all  who  may  have 
the  temerity  to  rouse  its  vengeance.  Think  well  of  what 
I  have  said;  reflect  on  what  has  passed;  listen  to  your 
elders  and  seniors,  who  have  served  the  Government  for 
nearly  half  a  century,  and  you  must  be  satisfied  that 
the  Government  which  you   serve   has   never   attempted 


250         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

to  influence  in  any  way,  underhand  or  otherwise,  the 
religious  convictions  of  its  subjects  or  soldiers ;  that  it 
freely  permits  all  to  worship  at  the  altar  before  which  their 
forefathers  have  bowed — but  that,  whilst  allowing  the 
fullest,  freest  religious  liberty  to  all,  it  will  vigorously 
exact  that  legitimate  duty  from  its  army,  without  which 
discipline  cannot  exist ;  that  under  no  circumstances 
whatever  will  it  listen  to,  or  reason  with,  mutineers  or 
armed  mobs;  and  should — which  God  forbid! — any  mis- 
guided men,  dupes  of  fools  and  knaves,  attempt  to  follow 
in  the  footsteps  of  the  19th  and  34th,  rest  assured  that 
Government,  all-powerful  and  irresistible,  is  not  only 
prepared  and  capable,  but  will  lose  no  time  in  inflicting 
such  punishment  as  shall  not  easily  pass  away  from  the 
recollection  of  man.  And  now,  soldiers !  it  is  my  pleasing 
duty  to  reward,  in  the  name  of  Government,  those  who 
have  served  it  so  well  and  so  honourably."  x 

The  speech  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  minds  of 
the  talukdars  and  of  many  of  the  comrades  of  the  fortunate 
sepoys  of  the  48th  and  13th  whom  Sir  Henry  next  addressed : 

"Advance,  Subahdar  Sewak  Tewaree;  come  forward, 
Havildar  and  soldiers,  and  receive  these  splendid  gifts 
from  the  Government  which  is  proud  to  number  you 
among  its  soldiers;  accept  these  honorary  sabres — you 
have  won  them  well,  long  may  you  live  to  wear  them  in 
honour.  Take  these  sums  of  money  for  your  families 
and  relatives ;  wear  these  robes  of  honour  at  your  homes 
and  at  your  festivals ;  and  may  the  bright  example  which 
you  have  so  conspicuously  set,  find,  as  it  doubtless  will, 
followers  in  every  regiment  and  company  in  the  army!  " 

1  Cave-Browne's  Punjab  and  Delhi,  p.  32. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

(May- August  1857) 

THE    MUTINY 

The  Outbreak  at  Meerut — Bahadur  Shah  proclaimed  Emperor — 
John  Lawrence's  prompt  Action — Lord  Canning  and  the 
Lawrences — State  of  the  Punjab — Loyalty  of  the  Cis-Sutlej 
Princes — Corbett  and  Montgomery  at  Lahore — The  Movable 
Column  —  "  King  John  "  —  Jalandar  —  Multan  —  A  "  Master- 
stroke "  at  Peshawar — Becher — The  Punjab  Army  before 
Delhi  —  Proposed  Abandonment  of  Peshawar  —  Jhelum — 
Sialkot — Lawrence  sends  Nicholson  to  take  Delhi. 

John  Lawrence  "  was  emphatically  a  man  without  a 
weakness  ...  of  adamantine  strength  that  would  neither 
bend  nor  break.  .  .  .  Men  said  that  he  had  no  sentiment, 
no  romance  .  .  .  but  there  was  an  intense  reality  about  him 
such  as  I  have  never  seen  equalled.  He  seemed  to  be 
continually  toiling  onwards,  upwards,  as  if  life  were  not 
meant  for  repose,  with  the  grand  princely  motto  '  /  serve  ' 
inscribed  in  characters  of  light  on  his  forehead.  He  served 
God  as  unceasingly  as  he  served  the  state ;  and  set  before 
all  his  countrymen  in  the  Punjab  the  true  pattern  of  a 
Christian  gentleman."  1 

He  was  to  be  put  to  a  test  that  would  search  out  every 
weakness ;  and  failure  to  endure  would  bring  with  it  the 
downfall  of  the  English  in  Asia.  Hitherto  he  had  been 
found  equal  to  every  emergency:  the  administration  of 
the  Punjab  had  been  the  greatest  work  ever  accomplished 
in  a  conquered  land. '  Now  the  day  of  England's  supreme 

1  Kaye,  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  pp.  64-65. 
25l 


252         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

need  in  India  had  dawned ;  the  storm  had  burst,  and  he 
that  would  face  it,  and  neither  bend  nor  break,  must 
indeed  be  of  adamantine  strength. 

In  Delhi,  the  political  capital  of  Hindustan,  John 
Lawrence  the  youth  had  given  the  first  proofs  of  his  ability ; 
it  was  here  that  his  matured  genius  was  to  have  full  play. 
The  degenerate  House  of  Timur,  saved  by  the  British 
from  being  trampled  under  the  feet  of  Hindu  feudatories, 
had  been  permitted  to  retain  the  imperial  title,  but  with 
no  substantive  power  beyond  the  walls  of  the  palace.  In 
the  year  1857  Bahadur  Shah,  the  last  representative  of  the 
Mogul  line,  was  an  old  man,  infirm,  without  ambition,  a 
poetaster,  and  not  of  the  fibre  of  which  leaders  of  lost 
causes  are  made. 

To  sixty  millions  of  Mohammedans  in  India  and  beyond 
the  borders  Bahadur  Shah  was  nevertheless  the  symbol 
of  ancient  Moslem  glory ;  and  tradition  had  imposed  upon 
double  that  number  of  Hindus  a  recognition  of  the  divine 
right  of  the  Mogul  to  possess  the  land.  The  dangers  of 
this  anomaly — a  king  in  name,  wielding  no  kingly  power, 
exercising  none  of  the  functions  of  his  office,  yet  enshrined 
the  more  securely  in  the  hearts  of  a  conservative  people 
because,  by  granting  the  title,  the  English  had  tacitly 
admitted  the  divine  right — had  not  been  ignored,  and  a 
decree  had  been  issued  that,  after  his  death,  the  title  must 
lapse.  In  deference  to  the  titular  dignity,  and  as  a  con- 
cession to  native  sentiment,  no  other  troops  had  been 
quartered  in  Delhi  than  a  small  guard  for  the  Arsenal 
wherein  was  stored  India's  chief  supply  of  munitions  of 
war.  On  and  below  the  Ridge,  a  mile  beyond  the  western 
walls,  half  a  dozen  native  regiments  were  stationed;  and 
the  nearest  English  troops  were  at  Meerut  some  fifty  miles 
to  the  north-east.  Meerut  was  the  largest  cantonment 
in  India,  and  as  it  contained  the  greatest  proportion  of 
British  troops  of  all  branches  of   the  service,  little  fear 


The  Mutiny  253 

of  an  outbreak  was  entertained.  The  white  force  was 
sufficient  to  crush  a  rising  at  its  inception,  and  no  expecta- 
tion of  success  could  encourage  the  sepoys  there  to  make 
a  bid  for  empire. 

John  Lawrence  was  at  Rawul  Pindi,  on  his  way  to  the 
hills,  when  a  telegram  from  Delhi  was  brought  to  him. 
"  The  sepoys  have  come  in  from  Meerut  and  are  burning 
everything.  .  .  .  We  must  shut  up."  Bahadur  Shah  had 
been  acclaimed  Emperor  of  Hindustan. 

In  silence  he  went  into  his  room,  and  when  he  emerged 
he  was  armed  against  the  danger;  he  had  resolved  upon 
the  outlines  of  that  policy  which,  by  the  great-hearted 
subordination  of  the  Punjab's  interests  to  those  of  India, 
succeeded  in  securing  both.  The  full  significance  of  the 
news  was  not  hidden  from  him.  Though  he  underestimated 
the  military  value  of  the  rebel  success,  he  clearly  discerned 
how  potent  would  be  the  glamour  of  the  Mogul  name, 
when  acclaimed  by  the  sepoys  and  the  populace  of  the 
capital.  While  he  prepared  for  the  worst  he  hoped  to 
learn  on  the  morrow  that  the  extent  of  the  disaster  had 
been  exaggerated  and  that  the  British  cavalry  and  the 
galloper  guns  had  entered  Delhi  on  the  heels  of  the  mutineers 
and  had  brought  the  city  to  its  senses.  He  asked  himself 
how  the  rebels  could  have  been  allowed  to  reach  Delhi ; 
why  they  had  not  been  swept  away  by  the  guns?  where 
were  the  Carabineers?  and  had  the  60th  Rifles  made 
common  cause  with  the  sepoys  ? 

The  story  of  muddle  and  incapacity  at  Meerut  is  still 
painful  to  contemplate.  The  sepoys  had  mutinied  against 
their  better  judgment — from  the  point  of  view  of  policy, 
not  of  ethics — urged  thereto  by  the  taunts  of  courtesans 
of  the  bazaar.  Having  committed  themselves,  dread  of 
the  consequences  drove  them  to  desperation;  they  set 
fire  to  the  English  bungalows  and  murdered  the  white 
population,  and  when  the  European  regiments  were  sent 

R 


254        The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

for,  the  6oth  Rifles  lacked  ball-cartridge,  the  artillery 
were  short  of  guns,  the  Carabineers  had  only  half  the 
number  of  horses  they  needed,  and  many  of  the  troopers 
were  recruits  who  could  not  ride.  To  complete  the  muddle 
the  Carabineer  officer  deliberately  called  over  the  roll  of 
his  corps  when  he  should  have  been  leading  a  gallop  to 
the  English  quarter  of  the  town.  Night  had  fallen  before 
the  brigade  was  ready  to  pursue ;  the  sepoys,  amazed  that 
they  still  lived,  were  in  full  flight  towards  Delhi;  and 
the  general  in  command  did  not  know  which  way  they  had 
taken.  He  might  have  guessed.  There  was  only  one  road 
along  which  they  were  likely  to  go;  yet  he  chose  to  keep 
his  troops  in  Meerut  to  protect  what  remained  of  the 
station  from  the  ravages  of  the  budmashes  and  released 
gaol-birds,  a  duty  for  which  one-third  of  his  force  would 
have  sufficed. 

Straining  their  ears  to  catch  the  sound  of  pursuing  hoofs 
and  shuddering  as  Fancy  played  her  tricks  upon  them, 
the  rebels  continued  their  flight  throughout  the  night, 
and  arrived  before  the  gates  of  Delhi  after  sunrise.  Per- 
mission to  enter  was  at  first  refused,  but  the  sepoys  con- 
trived to  get  inside,  and  as  the  amazing  news  ran  through 
the  city  the  populace  was  divided  between  fear  and  delight. 
Delhi  did  not  straightway  make  common  cause  with  the 
murderers,  but  as  the  hours  passed  and  the  look-outs  on 
the  towers  could  see  no  sign  of  the  avengers  from  Meerut, 
Bahadur  Shah  was  proclaimed  Emperor  of  Hind.  The 
British  officers,  women,  and  children,  to  the  number  of 
fifty,  were  put  to  death,  the  Arsenal  guard  mutinied,  and 
after  a  gallant  attempt  on  the  part  of  its  English  officers 
and  non-commissioned  officers  to  hold  out  until  the 
Carabineers  and  the  Horse  Artillery  should  arrive,  Lieu- 
tenant Willoughby  and  his  glorious  eight  blew  up  the 
huge  magazine,  and  Delhi  was  lost  to  the  British. 

The  sepoys  below  the  Ridge  did  not  join  the  mutineers 


The  Mutiny  255 

at  once.  They  also  waited,  fearfully,  until  certain  that 
no  move  was  being  made  from  Meerut — Oh,  for  an  hour 
of  John  Nicholson ! — and  then  the  six  regiments  enrolled 
themselves  under  the  banner  of  the  Mogul. 

"  Native  troops  in  open  mutiny — cantonment  south  of 
nullah  burnt — several  European  officers  killed — European 
troops  defending  barracks."  Such  was  the  telegram  sent 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief  by  the  officer  commanding  at 
Meerut,  and  no  strictures  upon  his  failure  to  grasp  the 
situation  could  be  more  damning  than  his  own  words. 
Truly,  General  Hewitt  was  unable  to  see  the  forest  for  the 
trees.1 

What  a  contrast  to  this  incapacity  was  the  grasp  and 
insight  of  Lord  Canning  and  his  chief  lieutenants !  The 
Governor-General  no  sooner  heard  the  news  than  he  under- 
stood its  import — that  the  loss  of  Delhi,  unless  quickly 
retrieved,  might  mean  the  loss  of  India.  He  telegraphed 
to  John  Lawrence  to  send  troops  from  the  Punjab  to  the 
Mogul  capital ;  and  his  message  was  crossed  by  one  from 
the  Chief  Commissioner,  informing  him  that,  as  Delhi 
must  be  captured,  he  was  taking  upon  himself  the  re- 
sponsibility of  sending  some  Punjab  regiments  down. 

Henry  Lawrence  had  the  same  broad  views.     He  could 

1  In  the  year  1843,  when  Resident  in  Nepal,  Henry  Lawrence,  in 
a  paper  on  the  Necessity  of  Chronic  Readiness  for  War,  had  foretold 
what  would  happen  in  case  of  an  outbreak  at  Delhi,  with  which 
the  British  were  not  prepared  to  deal  without  a  moment's  delay. 
"  Does  any  sane  man  doubt,"  he  asked,  "  that  twenty-four  hours 
would  swell  the  hundreds  of  rebels  into  thousands;  and  that  if 
such  conduct  on  our  part  lasted  for  a  week,  every  ploughshare  in 
the  Delhi  States  would  be  turned  into  a  sword  ?  .  .  .  We  should 
then  be  literally  striking  for  our  existence,  at  the  most  inclement 
season  of  the  year,  with  the  prestige  of  our  name  vanished.  .  .  . 
But  the  parallel  does  not  end  here.  Suppose  the  officer  command- 
ing at  Meerut,  when  called  on  for  help,  were  to  reply,  '  My  force  is 
chiefly  cavalry  and  horse-artillery,  and  not  the  sort  to  be  effective 
within  a  walled  town,  where  every  house  is  a  castle.  Besides. 
Meerut  itself,  at  all  times  unquiet,  is  even  now  in  rebellion,  and  I 
cannot  spare  my  troops.'  " 


256         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

depend  on  700  white  soldiers  to  hold  Lucknow  against  the 
assaults  of  50,000  fighting-men,  but  his  message  was  not, 
"  Send  me  help  or  all  will  be  lost,"  but,  "  Delhi  must  be 
re-captured;   it  is  more  important  than  all  else." 

An  Indian  force  under  Outram  had  been  sent  to  Persia, 
and  an  army  from  England  was  on  the  sea,  on  its  way  to 
China.  Canning  recalled  Outram 's  regiments  and,  though 
he  had  no  authority  over  the  China  Expedition,  he,  with 
a  great  man's  readiness  to  accept  responsibility,  sent  to 
intercept  the  fleet,  and  was  just  in  time.  He  had  decided 
upon  this  step  when  the  telegraph  brought  Sir  Henry 
Lawrence's  advice  to  "  Get  every  European  you  can  from 
China,  Ceylon,  and  elsewhere ;  also  all  the  Gurkhas  from 
the  hills,"  and  his  request,  "  Give  me  plenary  military 
power  in  Oudh;  I  will  not  use  it  unnecessarily."  Not  a 
moment  was  lost  before  flashing  back  the  inspiriting  reply, 
"You  have  full  military  powers:  the  Governor-General 
will  support  you  in  everything  you  think  necessary." 
Almost  at  the  same  time  came  the  suggestion  from  John 
that  the  China  and  Persia  forces  should  be  sent  for,  and  the 
request  that  he  might  raise  Punjabi  levies  and  make  use 
of  the  Sikh  rajas  of  the  Cis-Sutlej  and  Trans-Sutlej  States; 
and  Canning's  reply  was  in  similarly  appreciative  terms. 

Sir  Henry  also  asked  permission  to  enlist  the  aid  of  Jung 
Bahadur,  his  acquaintance  of  the  murderous  Nepal  dur- 
bar, an  ardent  soldier  who  might  be  glad  of  the  chance 
to  "  blood  "  his  quaint  army  against  the  pandies  in  the 
disturbed  districts  contiguous  to  the  Nepal  frontier. 
Canning  replied:  "  I  cannot  express  the  satisfaction  I 
feel  in  having  you  in  Oudh.  You  have  got  authority  to 
ask  Jung  Bahadur  for  his  Gurkhas.  It  is  most  unpalatable 
to  me  to  give  it,  and  to  you,  probably,  to  receive  it.  It 
is  a  humiliating  confession  of  our  weakness." 

The  weakness,  however,  was  already  too  apparent. 
Jung  Bahadur,  Gulab  Singh,  Dost  Mohammed,  all  knew  that 


The  Mutiny  257 

along  a  stretch  of  some  hundreds  of  miles  through  the 
richest  provinces  of  Hindustan  hardly  a  white  regiment 
was  to  be  found. 

The  comprehensive  glance  of  the  Governor-General 
swept  the  land  from  Peshawar  to  Calcutta,  from  Kashmir 
to  Ceylon.  He  perceived  that  the  chief  elements  of  danger 
lay  in  Oudh  and  the  Punjab ;  that  the  former  was  the  more 
likely  to  go  against  the  English,  the  latter  the  more  power- 
ful for  good  or  ill.  The  Punjab  had  by  far  the  larger 
garrison  of  British  troops,  and  from  it  Delhi  must  be 
retaken.  But,  if  the  Europeans  were  withdrawn  from  the 
frontier  where  they  held  the  tribesmen  in  check,  the 
Pathans  would  probably  sink  their  blood-feuds  and  sweep 
through  the  passes  to  help  drive  the  whites  into  the  sea. 
If  the  Punjab  Irregulars  should  join  the  poorbeahs,  the 
British  garrison  would  be  overwhelmed;  if  the  peasants 
should  be  induced  to  rise  against  the  dominant  race,  the 
Khalsa  would  once  more  become  a  terrible  reality.  For 
in  the  Punjab,  unlike  the  other  provinces,  the  cultivators 
were  all  fighting-men. 

1 "  But  if  there  were  much  trouble  and  anxiety  in  these 
thoughts,  they  had  their  attendant  consolations.  Let 
what  might  happen  in  Oudh  and  the  Punjab,  the  Law- 
rences were  there.  The  Governor-General  had  abundant 
faith  in  them  both ;  faith  in  their  courage,  their  constancy, 
their  capacity  for  command;  but  most  of  all  he  trusted 
them  because  they  coveted  responsibility.  It  is  only  from 
an  innate  sense  of  strength  that  this  desire  proceeds ; 
only  in  obedience  to  the  unerring  voice  of  Nature  that 
strong  men  press  forward  to  grasp  what  weak  men  shrink 
from  possessing." 

As  the  mutiny  spread  the  Punjab  was  gradually  cut  off, 
and  Sir  John  Lawrence  was  no  longer  able  to  communicate 
freely  with  the  Governor-General.  He  was  responsible 
1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  i.  p.  613. 


258         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

for  his  own  province  and  his  first  duty  was  to  hold  it  safe. 
The  Punjab  garrison  consisted,  on  May  12,  of  some  60,000 
men,  of  whom  10,000  were  Europeans,  36,000  poorbeahs 
of  the  Regular  Army,  and  14,000  Punjab  Irregulars.  The 
white  regiments  were  mainly  stationed  in  two  districts, 
the  Peshawar  Valley  and  the  Sutlej  frontier,  at  the  eastern 
and  western  extremities  of  the  province ;  the  irregulars 
were  scattered  along  the  Afghan  frontier.  If  the  latter 
stood  loyal  the  poorbeahs  could  be  held  in  check ;  if  they 
preferred  to  play  for  their  own  hands,  the  people  would 
rise  and  the  province  would  be  lost.  The  arrogance  of 
the  poorbeahs  towards  the  vanquished  soldiers  of  the 
Khalsa  had  made  them  hated ;  it  was  the  harder  to  bear  in- 
somuch that  the  Punjabi  believed  himself  the  better  man, 
and  John  Lawrence  hoped  that  the  temptation  to  prove 
this  might  be  the  means  of  saving  his  province.  Another 
ground  for  hope — outside  the  Lawrence  influence — must 
in  fairness  be  set  down.  The  last  three  harvests  in  the 
Punjab  had  been  exceptionally  heavy,  and  the  years  of 
plenty  do  not  foster  rebellion. 

But  he  was  not  content  to  secure  his  own  charge;  he 
intended  to  save  India.  Without  a  day's  unnecessary 
delay  he  sent  the  Guides  from  Mardan  in  the  extreme 
North-West  on  their  seven  hundred  miles'  march  to  Delhi. 
After  them  went  the  1st  Punjabis  (Coke's  Afridis),  the  4th 
Sikhs,  and  the  4th  Punjab  Infantry.  Doubt  of  the  wisdom 
of  this  frontier-denuding  policy  was  expressed :  the  tribes- 
men might  be  unable  to  resist  the  temptation.  "  Take  the 
initiative,"  was,  in  effect,  the  answer  of  John  Lawrence. 
"  Don't  wait  to  be  attacked.  Show  confidence  in  your- 
selves and  the  Oriental  will  feel  confidence  in  your 
strength." 

His  next  move  was  to  reduce  the  odds  by  locking  up  a 
number  of  sepoys  where  they  could  do  no  harm.  Several 
of  the  regiments  that  had  given  evidence  of  disaffection 


The  Mutiny  259 

he  split  into  detachments  and  sent  across  the  Indus  to 
take  the  place  of  the  irregulars.  Had  they  mutinied  in 
the  detestable  Pathan  country  they  would  have  been  as 
sheep  among  wolves. 

Communication  with  Simla  was  still  open  and  the  Head 
of  the  Punjab  chafed  at  the  delay,  and  on  May  13  he 
urged  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  take  immediate  action 
before  Delhi.  "  I  make  no  apology  for  writing  to  your 
Excellency  plainly  and  fully,"  he  said.  "  I  consider  this 
to  be  the  greatest  crisis  which  has  ever  occurred  in  India. 
Our  European  force  is  so  small  that,  unless  effectively 
handled  in  the  outset,  and  brought  to  bear,  it  will  prove 
unequal  to  the  emergency.  But  with  vigour  and  prompti- 
tude, under  the  blessing  of  God,  it  will  be  irresistible."  x 

To  the  same,  May  21,  1857. 

"...  We  are  doing  all  we  can  to  strengthen  ourselves, 
and  to  reinforce  you  either  by  direct  or  indirect  means. 
But  can  your  Excellency  suppose,  for  one  moment,  that 
the  Irregular  troops  will  remain  staunch,  if  they  see  our 
European  soldiers  cooped  up  in  their  cantonments,  tamely 
awaiting  the  progress  of  events?  .  .  .  Pray  only  reflect 
on  the  whole  history  of  India.  Where  have  we  failed 
when  we  acted  vigorously?  Where  have  we  succeeded 
when  guided  by  timid  counsels?  Clive  with  1200  men 
fought  at  Plassey,  in  opposition  to  the  advice  of  his  leading 
officers,  beat  40,000  men  and  conquered  Bengal.  .  .  . 
Look  at  the  Cabul  catastrophe.  It  might  have  been 
averted  by  resolute  and  bold  action.  .  .  .  How  can  it  be 
supposed  that  strangers  and  mercenaries  will  sacrifice 
everything  for  us  ?  There  is  a  point  up  to  which  they  will 
stand  by  us ;  for  they  know  that  we  have  always  been 
eventually  successful,  and  that  we  are  good  masters. 
But,  go  beyond  this  point,  and  every  man  will  look  to  his 
immediate  benefit,  his  present  safety. 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  481. 


260         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

"  The  Punjab  Irregulars  are  marching  down  in  the 
highest  spirits,  proud  to  be  trusted,  and,  eager  to  show 
their  superiority  over  the  regular  troops,  ready  to  fight 
shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the  Europeans.  But  if,  on 
their  arrival,  they  find  the  Europeans  behind  breast-works, 
they  will  begin  to  think  that  the  game  is  up.  Recollect 
that  all  this  time,  while  we  are  pausing,  the  emissaries 
of  the  mutineers  are  writing  to  and  visiting  every  canton- 
ment. 

"  It  seems  to  me  lamentable  to  think  that  in  no  case 
have  the  mutineers  yet  suffered.  ...  I  cannot  compre- 
hend what  the  Commissariat  can  mean  by  requiring  from 
sixteen  to  twenty  days  to  procure  provisions !  I  am 
persuaded  that  all  you  can  require  to  take  with  you  must 
be  procurable  in  two  or  three.  .  .  ."] 

General  Anson  was  an  honoured  and  zealous  soldier, 
though  not  a  Nicholson  to  brush  aside  obstacles  which, 
viewed  through  the  distorting  mist  of  doubt  and  diffidence, 
appeared  too  great  to  be  moved.  He  did  not  resent  the 
advice  of  the  civilian,  but  welcomed  and  invited  it,  and 
even  stated  that  he  would  rather  trust  to  the  views  of  the 
Punjab  Chief  Commissioner  than  to  his  own  experience. 
But  Lawrence  was  impatient  at  the  inability  of  the  military 
authorities  to  rise  to  the  occasion.  He  remembered  his 
first  commission  from  a  Governor-General,  and  how,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  First  Sikh  War,  he  had  collected 
draught  animals  and  carts  by  the  thousand  in  the  space 
of  a  few  days  when  the  Commissary-General  had  stated 
that  he  would  require  as  may  weeks. 

He  asked  the  Sikh  chieftains  of  the  Protected  States 
to  show  their  gratitude  to  the  Power  that  had  saved  them 
from  Ranjit  Singh,  and  Patiala,  Jhind,  Nabha,  and 
Kapurthala  drew  their  swords  and  unlocked  their  treasuries, 
and  placed  both  at  his  service.  Their  troops  patrolled  the 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  pp.  493-495. 


The  Mutiny  26  1 

Grand  Trunk  Road,  kept  open  the  communications  between 
Delhi  and  Lahore,  and  escorted  through  their  territories 
the  supplies  for  the  besieging  force.  Jhind,  indeed,  was 
the  first  man,  native  or  European,  to  strike  the  mutineers. 
"  I  am  not  fond  of  native  chiefs,"  Lawrence  wrote  to  Lord 
Canning,  a  month  later,  "  but  I  am  bound  to  say  that  these 
two  [Patiala  and  Jhind]  deserve  almost  any  reward  your 
lordship  could  bestow."  He  wrote  to  influential  Sikhs 
who  were  under  a  cloud  because  of  their  share  in  the 
rebellion  of  the  Khalsa  and  advised  them  to  grasp  this 
chance  of  retrieving  their  characters  by  enrolling  their 
retainers  against  the  mutineers.  They  did  so,  and  before 
they  understood  the  weakness  of  the  whites  and  how 
near  to  realisation  had  been  their  dream  of  a  greater 
Khalsa,  they  were  at  Delhi,  committed  to  the  British 
side,  and  hundreds  of  miles  distant  from  the  districts  in 
which  they  had  influence. 

The  Mohammedans  of  the  Punjab  were  no  less  loyal  than 
the  Sikhs.  "  When  we  had  no  military  force  near  Kurnal, 
and  all  men  watched  anxiously  the  conduct  of  each  loyal 
chief,  the  Nawab  of  Kurnal  went  to  Mr.  Le  Bas  and 
addressed  him  to  the  following  effect :  '  Sir,  I  have  had  a 
sleepless  night  in  meditating  on  the  state  of  affairs ;  I  have 
decided  to  throw  in  my  lot  with  yours.  My  sword,  my 
purse,  and  my  followers  are  at  your  disposal.'  " 1 

Those  jaghirdars  whose  battle  Henry  had  fought  success- 
fully also  came  forward  to  furnish  men  for  the  new  corps  ; 
and  the  Chief  Commissioner  was  able  to  write  to  the 
Governor-General  that  "  Your  lordship  need  not  fear  for 
us." 

To  every  poorbeah  officer  in  the  Punjab  he  issued  a  copy 

of  his  brother's  proclamation   to  the  Oudh  sepoys.     At 

this  period  every  official  who  had  sepoys  under  his  control 

was  confronted  by  the  toughest  problem  of  the  Mutiny — 

1  Mr.  Ra  ikes'  Notes  on  the  Revolt. 


262         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

whether  a  handful  of  Europeans  should  risk  precipitating 
a  crisis  by  attempting  to  disarm  the  sepoys,  or  whether, 
while  simulating  confidence  in  their  integrity,  the  better 
policy  would  not  be  to  appeal  to  the  loyalty  of  their  men 
and  trust  to  their  escaping  the  infection.  No  general  rule 
could  be  laid  down,  so  much  depended  on  the  men  who  had 
to  meet  the  danger.  Each  must  judge  for  himself,  from 
his  knowledge  of  the  sepoys'  temper,  his  confidence  in  his 
own  ability  to  effect  the  disarming,  the  power  of  his 
influence  to  calm  the  panic  and  counteract  the  intrigues 
of  the  sepoy  leaders. 

At  Mian  Mir,  the  cantonment  of  the  Lahore  division, 
a  large  force  of  sepoys  and  a  few  white  troops  were  stationed. 
During  the  absence  of  the  Chief  Commissioner  at  Rawul 
Pindi,  Montgomery,  his  Derry  schoolfellow,  was  in  civil 
charge  over  the  Sikh  capital.  At  Montgomery's  request 
Captain  Richard  Lawrence  of  the  Police  (the  youngest  of 
the  brothers)  had  been  investigating  the  state  of  feeling 
at  Mian  Mir,  and  had  for  this  purpose  employed  a  Brahman 
whose  loyalty  he  thoroughly  trusted.  The  Brahman's 
report  left  little  room  for  doubt,  and  when  the  bad  news 
arrived  from  Delhi,  Richard  Lawrence  had  no  consolation 
to  offer  his  chief,  no  assurance  that,  whatever  the  Meerut 
sepoys  might  have  done,  their  own  men  were  faithful. 
"  Sahib,"  the  Brahman  had  said  to  him,  "  they  are  full  of 
sedition,"  and,  touching  his  throat  significantly,  he  added, 
"  They  are  up  to  this  in  it."  1 

Montgomery  agreed  with  the  police  captain  that  no  time 
was  to  be  lost,  and  Brigadier  Corbett,  with  the  calm 
resolution  of  one  strong  in  moral  courage,  took  the  same 
view  as  his  civilian  colleague,  and  expressed  his  readiness 
to  take  the  responsibility  of  disarming  the  poorbeahs. 
Shortly  after  dawn  on  May  13,  four  sepoy  regiments,  a 
handful  of  Europeans  of  her  Majesty's  81st,  and  a  detach- 
1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  ii.  p.  427. 


The  Mutiny  263 

ment  of  artillery  were  assembled  on  the  parade-ground.  A 
simple  manoeuvre  brought  the  unsuspecting  sepoys  in 
front  of  the  guns,  behind  which,  during  the  movement, 
the  companies  of  the  81st  had  fallen  back.  The  portfires 
were  in  the  gunners'  hands,  the  muskets  of  the  English 
infantry  were  loaded,  and,  on  the  word  of  command,  the 
sepoys  laid  down  their  arms. 

Not  a  blow  was  struck  in  this  first  battle  in  the  Punjab, 
yet  a  great  victory  was  won,  and  the  noise  of  it  travelled 
beyond  the  borders  and  caused  many  whom  the  Meerut 
bungling  had  convinced  that  the  English  had  lost  their 
virility,  and  who  were  about  to  take  advantage  of  that 
helplessness,  to  reconsider  their  attitude.  John  Lawrence's 
delight  was  unbounded  when  the  wires  brought  to  Rawul 
Pindi  the  confirmation  of  his  belief  that  he  had  subordinates 
upon  whose  tact  and  promptness  he  could  rely.  "  Your 
Lahore  men,"  he  wrote  to  Montgomery,  "  have  done 
nobly.  I  should  like  to  embrace  them;  Donald,  Roberts, 
Mac,  and  Dick  are,  all  of  them,  pucca  trumps." 

The  impression  made  upon  the  power-worshipping 
Punjabis  by  the  promptness  and  resource  shown  at  Mian 
Mir  influenced  the  Chief  Commissioner  in  favour  of  dis- 
arming the  sepoy  regulars  throughout  the  province. 
"  Our  policy  is  to  trust  the  people  but  not  the  Regulars," 
he  said,  though,  in  a  letter  to  Edwardes,  he  admitted  the 
drawbacks  to  this  policy.  "  The  misfortune  of  the  present 
state  of  affairs  is  this,"  he  wrote.  "  Each  step  we  take  for 
our  own  security  is  a  blow  against  the  regular  sepoy. 
He  feels  this,  and  on  his  side  takes  a  further  step,  and  so 
we  go  on,  until  we  disband  or  destroy  them,  or  they  mutiny 
and  kill  their  officers."  To  Lord  Canning  he  expressed  the 
belief  that  there  was  not  "  a  single  regiment  of  the  line  in 
the  Bengal  Presidency,  with  the  exception  of  the  66th l 

1  It  will  be  remembered  that  Sir  Charles  Napier  had  brought  this 
Gurkha  battalion  into  the  line,  and  granted  them  the  colours  and 
name  of  a  regular  regiment  that  had  misbehaved. 


264         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

(Gurkhas)  who  will  not  desert  us."  "  What  we  should 
avoid,"  he  warned  General  Anson,  "is  isolation,  and  the 
commanders  of  stations  each  looking  to  his  own  charge,  and 
not  to  the  general  weal.  Many  will,  I  fear,  counsel  delay 
and  caution,  but  such  a  policy  must  prove  ruinous."  1 

As  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  outbreak  at  Meerut,  General 
Reed,  the  senior  officer  in  the  Punjab,  held  a  council  of 
war  at  Peshawar  to  consider  a  proposal,  made  by  Nicholson 
and  Edwardes,  for  the  formation  of  a  lightly-equipped 
movable  column  of  English  and  Punjabi  troops,  "  to  move 
on  any  point  and  crush  rebellion  and  mutiny."  A  telegram 
from  Lawrence  to  Edwardes  (whom  he  called  his  "  Coun- 
sellor ")  expressed  warm  approval  of  the  proposal. 
General  Reed,  Brigadier  Cotton,  Colonels  Neville  Chamber- 
lain and  Edwardes,  Major  John  Nicholson,  Captain  Wright, 
and  Lieutenant  Frederick  Roberts,2  were  present,  and 
opinion  was  unanimous  in  favour  of  the  scheme.  This 
point  settled,  those  staunch  friends  Edwardes  and  Nicholson 
slyly  prepared  the  way  for  the  adoption  of  a  plan  upon 

1  Bosworth^Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  489. 

2  Lord  Roberts,  who  was  then  on  Neville  Chamberlain's~'staff, 
and  who  was  much  younger  than  the  other  officers  present,  has 
related  an  interesting  sequel  to  this  conference.  Later  in  the  day 
Nicholson,  finding  that  their  plans  had  become  known,  called  upon 
him  and  told  him,  "  much  to  my  disgust,  that  it  was  thought  I 
might  perhaps  have  been  guilty  of  the  indiscretion  of  divulging 
them.  I  was  very  angry  for  I  had  appreciated  as  much  as  any  one 
the  immense  importance  of  keeping  the  decisions  arrived  at  perfectly 
secret;  and  I  could  not  help  showing  something  of  the  indignation 
I  felt  at  its  having  been  thought  possible  that  I  could  betray  the 
confidence  reposed  in  me."  They  then  went  to  the  telegraph  office 
together.  "  The  signaller  was  a  mere  boy,  and  Nicholson's  imposing 
presence  and  austere  manner  were  quite  too  much  for  him;  he  was 
completely  cowed,  and,  after  a  few  hesitating  denials,  he  admitted 
having  satisfied  the  curiosity  of  a  friend.  .  .  .  This  was  enough, 
and  I  was  cleared.  The  result  to  me  of  this  unpleasant  incident 
was  a  delightful  increase  of  intimacy  with  the  man  for  whom  above 
all  others  I  had  the  greatest  admiration  and  the  most  profound 
respect.  As  if  to  make  up  for  his  momentary  injustice,  Nicholson 
was  kinder  to  me  than  ever,  and  I  felt  I  had  gained  in  him  a  firm 
and  constant  friend." — Forty-One  Years  in  India,  vol.  i.  pp.  71-72. 


The  Mutiny  265 

which  they  had  agreed,  but  which  could  not  be  openly 
explained.  Their  respect  for  General  Reed  could  by  no 
means  be  interpreted  as  blind  admiration  of  his  genius. 
He  was  merely  a  respectable  soldier  of  a  type  common  in 
the  Company's  army  where  seniority  alone  had  any  claim 
to  the  higher  posts,  and  they  doubted  his  fitness  to  cope 
with  a  situation  that  would  tax  the  resource  of  a  Wellington. 

The  quick  insight  of  these  two  most  famous  of  "  the 
wardens  of  the  marches  "  had  already  warned  them  of  the 
obstacles  that  would  surely  be  placed  in  the  way  of  their 
chief  at  Rawul  Pindi  by  the  conscientious  but  slower  mind 
of  the  general,  who  would  be  able  to  issue  his  orders  from 
Lahore  or  Peshawar,  or  wherever  he  might  be,  without 
consulting  Lawrence.  They  knew  that  the  least  hint  of 
divided  counsels  would  be  hailed  by  the  natives  as  a  further 
proof  that  the  English  were  lachar  (helpless),  that  their 
star  had  set;  for,  in  native  opinion,  the  chief  source  of 
English  strength  arises  from  the  perfect  loyalty  of  the 
parts  to  the  whole,  the  certainty  that  when  he  who  is  in 
authority  gives  an  order  his  subordinates  will  obey. 
Neither  Edwardes  nor  Nicholson  could  always  see  eye  to 
eye  with  John  Lawrence,  but  their  trust  in  him  was  absolute, 
and  they  wished  him  to  be  supreme  in  military  as  well  as 
in  civil  affairs.  They  therefore  manoeuvred  the  general 
with  tactful  suggestions  so  successfully  that  Reed  proposed 
to  make  Rawul  Pindi  his  headquarters,  that  he  and  the 
Chief  Commissioner  might  be  in  constant  communication. 
This  was  what  the  conspirators  had  played  for,  and  they 
applauded  the  decision ;  and  though  General  Reed  never 
laid  claim  to  be  a  brilliant  soldier  he  gave  proofs  of  strong 
common-sense — paradoxical  term  for  so  rare  a  quality — 
and  a  generous  mind.  Recognising  that  Lawrence  was  the 
better  fitted  to  steer  the  boat  he  cheerfully  subordinated 
himself  and  his  office  to  the  will  of  the  civilian. 

A  few  days  later  Reed  and  Chamberlain  (who  had  been 


266         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

given  the  command  of  the  Movable  Column)  were  summoned 
by  Sir  John  to  a  conference  at  Rawul  Pindi.  Lieutenant 
Roberts  was  present  for  the  purpose  of  drafting  and  copying 
the  letters  and  telegrams. 

1"I  thus  learned  everything  that  was  happening  in  the 
Punjab  and  became  aware  of  the  magnitude  of  the  crisis 
through  which  we  were  passing.  This  enabled  me  to  appre- 
ciate the  tremendous  efforts  required  to  cope  with  the  danger, 
and  to  understand  that  the  fate  of  Delhi  and  the  lives  of 
our  countrymen  and  countrywomen  in  Upper  India  de- 
pended upon  the  action  taken  by  the  authorities  in  the 
Punjab.  I  realised  that  Sir  John  Lawrence  thought  of 
every  detail,  and  how  correct  was  his  judgment  as  to  which 
of  his  subordinates  could,  or  could  not,  be  trusted." 

Nowhere  was  the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  the  extent 
of  the  evil  more  justly  appreciated  than  at  Rawul  Pindi, 
but  in  no  other  place  was  such  optimism  to  be  found.  As 
they  discussed  the  details  of  their  plans,  the  grand  con- 
fidence of  the  chief  inspired  and  stimulated  his  colleagues, 
and  the  boyish  spirit  of  Herbert  Edwardes  would  break 
out,  again  and  again,  in  some  humorous  sally  or  comical 
suggestion.  A  rumour  had  reached  them  to  the  effect 
that  General  Anson,  instead  of  pushing  forward  to  Delhi, 
contemplated  entrenching  his  troops  at  Amballa.  Anson 
was  a  noted  authority  on  whist,  and  Edwardes  suggested 
a  message  that  he  would  appreciate.  The  idea  appealed 
to  the  Irish  nature  of  the  chief  and  he  sanctioned  the 
despatch  of  the  pithy  telegram,  "  Clubs  are  trumps,  not 
spades." 

It  was  well  for  John  Lawrence  at  this  time  that  he  liked 
hard  work  and  had  trained  himself  to  persevere  in  the 
face  of  depression,  weariness,  and  pain.  When  the  call 
came  he  was  on  his  way  to  the  hills,  an  invalid  for  whom 
rest  and  change  were  necessary;  he  was  also  suffering 
1  Forty-One  Years  in  India,  vol.  i.  p.  107. 


The  Mutiny  267 

greatly  from  neuralgia,  and  altogether  the  conditions  were 
sufficient  to  have  overwhelmed  a  man  of  less  heroic  purpose. 
In  the  struggle  that  ensued  the  will  was  victorious  and  the 
body  subjected,  and,  with  the  exception  of  his  more  intimate 
friends,  no  one  guessed  that  the  Chief  Commissioner  had 
other  foes  to  conquer  than  those  of  the  state,  as  his  letters 
and  telegraphic  messages,  gravid  with  good  advice,  clear 
and  incisive,  bold  yet  cautious,  flew  close  upon  each  other's 
heels  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  to  his  own  assistants, 
and  to  the  heads  of  provinces  not  under  his  control ;  and 
each  of  these  letters  displayed  an  insight  and  a  tenacity  of 
purpose  which  gave  the  reader  confidence  in  his  counsellor. 
His  subordinates  knew  that  he  trusted  them  to  act  upon 
their  own  responsibility  when  necessary,  but  they  were 
always  conscious  that  he  never  relaxed  his  hold  upon  the 
reins.  "  I  like  issuing  orders  by  telegraph,"  he  said, 
"  because  they  cannot  give  me  their  reasons,  nor  ask  me 
for  mine."  "  He  was  the  biggest  man  I  have  ever  known," 
said  Daly  of  the  Guides.  "  We  used  to  call  him  '  King 
John  '  on  the  frontier." 

When  Daly  passed  through  Rawul  Pindi  on  his  way  to 
Delhi  he  found  the  Chief  Commissioner  "  lying  on  his  bed 
in  terrible  agony  from  tic.  '  Ah !  '  he  said  to  me,  as  I  was 
leaving  the  room,  '  you  will,  very  likely,  see  my  brother 
Henry  before  I  do.  He  has  a  terrible  job  down  there  at 
Lucknow.'  Throughout  that  afternoon  a  succession  of 
gloomy  telegrams  had  been  coming  in  to  Sir  John,  telling 
him  that  the  Residency  at  Lucknow  was  beleaguered,  and 
the  whole  country  was  '  up.'  '  Tell  him  so  and  so,'  said 
Sir  John,  and  then  came  a  string  of  very  kindly  messages. 
'  Ah,  well !  '  he  ended  up  pathetically,  and  I  fancy  that  I 
can,  even  now,  see  his  big  burly  body  lying  on  the  bed  as  he 
said  it,  '  Ah,  well !  Henry  had  a  greater  grip  on  men  than 
I  ever  had!  '  "  l 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  pp.  4-6.     Captain  Daly  had  visited  Sir 


268         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Unfortunately  there  was  not  a  Corbett  in  command  of 
every  Punjab  cantonment.  The  authorities  at  Amballa 
had  been  urged  by  Sir  John  to  disarm  their  sepoys  without 
delay,  but  they  shrank  from  taking  the  plunge,  and  the 
pandies  were  allowed  to  escape  to  Delhi.  Irresolution  at 
Jalandar  was  the  cause  of  a  more  serious  misfortune,  for 
there  3000  sepoys  broke  into  open  mutiny,  and,  after 
murdering  some  of  their  officers,  they  marched  to  Phillour, 
and  brought  out  the  sepoy  regiment  stationed  in  that 
town.  The  Europeans  troops  at  Jalandar  were  not  sent  in 
pursuit,  and  the  mutineers,  after  plundering  and  burning 
in  and  about  the  town  of  Ludhiana,  marched  towards 
Delhi.  Young  Ricketts,  a  civilian,  tried  to  hold  them 
with  250  Sikhs,  but,  receiving  no  support  from  the  brigadier, 
he  was  compelled  to  let  go. 

The  officials  at  Multan  possessed  in  a  marked  degree 
those  qualities  whose  absence  at  Jalandar  had  been  so 
conspicuous.  Though  they  had  only  sixty  European 
artillerymen  with  whom  to  overawe  no  less  than  3500 
sepoys,  they  contrived — by  carrying  out  tactfully  Sir  John's 
instructions — to  prevent  an  outbreak;  and  the  arrival 
of  some  Punjab  Irregulars  enabled  Crawfurd  Chamberlain 
to  disarm  the  sepoys.  The  chief  was  greatly  elated  by 
this  success  and  cheered  by  the  unselfish  and  broad-minded 
co-operation  of  Bartle  Frere,  Commissioner  of  Sind,  whose 
views  were  identical  with  his  own.  "  When  the  head  and 
heart  are  threatened,"  Frere  wrote  to  him,  "  the  ex- 
tremities must  take  care  of  themselves."  Frere  was,  in 
pursuance  of  this  policy,  not  afraid  to  weaken  his  own 
province  in  order  to  help  his  neighbour,  and  he  despatched 
a  small  European  force  up  the  Indus  to  Multan. 

Henry  in  Lucknow  a  few  weeks  before  this  date.  "  He  gave  me 
many  messages  to  his  brother  John,  all  of  them  kind  ones.  But 
he  laid  most  stress  of  all  on  a  reminder  which  I  was  to  give  him  to 
be  very  gentle  and  considerate  in  dealing  with  the  Sirdars.  '  Ah, 
yes,'  said  John,  when  I  gave  him  the  message,  '  that  was  always 
Henry's  way.'  " 


The  Mutiny  269 

Next  to  Lahore  in  political  and  military  importance 
was  the  station  of  Peshawar,  where  four  regiments  of 
poorbeah  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry  were  brigaded  with 
three  weak  Queen's  regiments  and  a  few  guns;  and  close 
at  hand,  at  Nowshera,  were  two  sepoy  corps,  the  55th 
Infantry  and  the  10th  Irregular  Cavalry.  Thousands 
of  armed  tribesmen  swarmed  in  the  Peshawar  Valley, 
waiting  for  the  downfall  of  the  British  Raj,  and  eager  to 
invite  Dost  Mohammed  to  snatch  Peshawar  from  the  hands 
of  the  infidel.  "  '  Why  do  you  always  ask  so  anxiously 
about  Peshawur?  '  "  an  English  official  at  Amritsar  asked 
of  a  loyal  Sikh.  "  The  sirdar  did  not  at  once  reply,  but, 
with  much  significance  of  manner,  took  up  the  end  of  his 
scarf,  and  began  rolling  it  up  from  the  corner  between  his 
finger  and  thumb.  '  If  Peshawur  goes,  the  whole  Punjab 
will  be  rolled  up  in  rebellion  like  this.'  "  l 

Fortunately  there  were  at  the  "  Gate  of  India  "  three 
men  of  rare  gifts,  Edwardes,  the  Commissioner,  Nicholson, 
his  deputy,  and  Brigadier  Cotton  in  command  of  the  troops, 
who  were  found  prepared  to  play  their  parts  in  one  of  the 
most  dramatic  episodes  of  the  Mutiny.  On  the  night  of 
May  21,  a  messenger  aroused  Edwardes  and  Nicholson  with 
the  news  that  the  55th  was  in  a  state  of  mutiny  at  Nowshera 
and  that  the  10th  Cavalry  was  wavering.  A  few  moments 
later  the  two  politicals  stood  by  the  bedside  of  the  brigadier 
and  a  short  consultation  sufficed  to  determine  the  course 
of  action.  Before  the  sun  had  risen  Cotton  had  assembled 
the  commanding  officers  and  given  them  orders  to  parade 
their  men  at  once.  The  decision  to  disarm  the  sepoys  was 
received  with  a  bad  grace  by  some  of  the  officers,  and  these 
declared  that  they  had  not  lost  confidence  in  their  men, 
and  argued  the  danger  to  the  border  if  its  guardians  were 
deprived  of  their  weapons.  But  the  three  were  not  to  be 
moved ;    four  of  the  five  regiments  must  be  disarmed,  and 

1  Cave-Browne's  Punjab  and  Delhi,  vol.  i.  p.  153. 

S 


270         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

the  21st  (now  the  1st  Bengal  Infantry),  which  had  given 
evidence  of  a  better  spirit,  should  be  exempted  from  the 
disgrace. 

The  sepoys  fell  in  without  suspicion  and  were  suddenly 
brought  face  to  face  with  the  guns  behind  which  stood  the 
white  regiments.  The  order  was  given  and  the  sepoys, 
cowed  and  uncertain  of  their  comrades'  support,  quietly 
laid  down  their  muskets  and  sabres,  and  on  the  pile  fell 
the  swords  and  spurs  of  more  than  one  English  officer. 

The  effect  on  the  frontier  was  magical.  "As  we  rode 
down  to  the  disarming,"  Colonel  Edwardes  wrote,  "  a  very 
few  chiefs  and  yeomen  of  the  country  attended  us,  and  I 
remember,  judging  from  their  faces,  that  they  came  to  see 
which  way  the  tide  would  turn.  As  we  rode  back  friends 
were  as  thick  as  summer  flies,  and  levies  began  from  that 
moment  to  come  in."  Previous  attempts  to  enroll  the 
tribesmen  had  failed,  but  now  more  offered  than  could  be 
accepted. 

"  I  look  on  the  disarming  of  the  four  corps  at  Peshawur 
as  a  master  stroke,"  Lawrence  wrote  to  Edwardes.  "  We 
are  doing  well  in  every  district  —  Becher  famously." 
Major  Becher  was  in  charge  of  the  Hazara  hills  in  the 
extreme  north,  and  his  share  in  the  event  will  presently  be 
seen.  The  55th  Native  Infantry,  whose  mutiny  at  Now- 
shera  was  to  have  been  the  signal  for  a  rising  at  Peshawar, 
had  taken  to  flight,  and  Nicholson  "  with  a  handful  of 
horsemen  hurled  himself  like  a  thunderbolt  on  the  route  of 
a  thousand  mutineers."1  Among  the  hills  of  Swat  he 
overtook  them,  and  there  was  enacted  the  first  act  of  the 
pitiful  story  of  the  55th.  The  mutineers  fought  resolutely ; 
but  "Nicholson  was  there;  his  foot  in  the  stirrup,  his 
sword  by  his  side,  and  a  few  trusty  horsemen  beside  him," 
and  120  pandies  were  slain  and  more  captured.  The 
remainder  escaped  for  a  time  and  wandered  among  the 
1  Edwardes'  Official  Report. 


A  PATHAN. 
SHAHZADA  SULTAN  JAN   OF   KOHAT. 


The  Mutiny  271 

inhospitable  hills,  mocked,  abused,  robbed,  and  stoned  by 
the  Mohammedan  tribesmen.  They  turned  towards  the 
Hazara  country,  hoping  to  make  their  way  through  the 
defiles  into  Kashmir,  where  their  co-religionist,  Gulab 
Singh,  was  ruler.  But  Becher  raised  the  tribes  against 
the  poorbeahs,  hung  on  their  flanks,  harried  them,  and 
struck  blow  after  blow. 

The  miserable  remnant  turned  again  and  plunged  deeper 
into  the  hated  mountains  until  lost  to  sight.  There  a 
worse  fate  awaited  them.  The  petty  chiefs  to  whom  they 
offered  their  services  laughed  them  to  scorn,  stripped  them 
of  their  clothes,  defiled  their  caste,  murdered  them  as 
caprice  prompted.  The  few  who  survived  were  forcibly 
converted  to  the  faith  of  Islam  and  sold  into  slavery. 
It  was  the  first  knock-down  blow  dealt  to  the  mutineers, 
and  the  disciples  of  Henry  Lawrence  remembered  the  old 
days  at  the  Lahore  Residency,  and  rejoiced  that  the  credit 
belonged  to  two  of  their  brotherhood. 

Edwardes  and  Cotton  were  both  merciful  men,  but  they 
firmly  believed  that  a  terrible  example  would  in  the  end 
save  much  bloodshed,  and  the  prisoners  were  sentenced 
to  death.  "  The  Native  Army  requires  to  be  appalled," 
the  former  wrote  to  his  chief.  Nicholson  spoke  up  for 
the  few  Punjabis  of  the  corps,  as  he  had  reason  to  believe 
that  they  had  been  led  away  against  their  wills.  "  Spare 
the  Sikhs  and  young  recruits,"  said  he.  But  Sir  John, 
while  agreeing  that  severity  was  necessary,  held  the 
opinion  that  more  good  would  result  if  the  natives  were 
taught  that  their  rulers  were  in  no  way  driven  to  that 
severity  by  the  promptings  of  revenge.  He  suggested  to 
Cotton  that  the  execution  of  one-third  of  the  number  would 
have  equal  effects  as  a  deterrent,  and  advised  him  to  select 
as  victims  the  ringleaders  and  older  soldiers,  whose  influence 
had  carried  away  their  juniors.  Glad  to  be  relieved  of  the 
responsibility,  Cotton  and  Edwardes  concurred,  and  forty 


272         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

of  the  leaders  were  blown  from  the  guns  on  the  parade- 
ground  at  Peshawar. 

The  weakness  of  the  little  army  before  Delhi  had  become 
manifest  to  the  Chief  Commissioner  of  the  Punjab,  and, 
early  in  June,  he  was  forced  to  reconsider  his  disposition 
of  the  English  troops  in  his  province.  He  had  underrated 
the  difficulties  and,  especially,  the  spirit  and  vigour  of  the 
mutineers.  "  I  still  think  that  no  real  resistance  at  Delhi 
will  be  attempted,"  he  had  written  to  Anson.  "...  My 
impression  is  that,  on  the  approach  of  our  troops,  the 
mutineers  will  either  disperse  or  the  people  of  the  city 
rise  and  open  their  gates."1  Had  Hewitt  promptly  let 
loose  the  Carabineers  and  Horse  Artillery  after  the  Meerut 
sepoys  little  resistance  would  probably  have  been  en- 
countered, but  the  inaction  and  seeming  cowardice  dis- 
played at  Meerut  had  dispelled  the  old  traditions  of  British 
invincibility  and  had  given  the  sepoys  confidence. 

General  Anson  had  died  on  the  way  down,  and  his 
successor,  Sir  Henry  Barnard,  had  now  camped  within  a 
few  miles  of  the  walls.  His  force  consisted  of  3000 
Europeans  with  twenty-two  small  guns,  and  in  Delhi  were 
at  least  30,000  soldiers  and  armed  men,  and  each  day 
brought  its  reinforcement.  The  ramparts  of  Delhi  had 
recently  been  strengthened  by  Robert  Napier  and  on  the 
walls  were  mounted  nearly  two  hundred  guns  of  much 
heavier  calibre  than  those  of  the  British.  In  front  of 
the  English  camp  was  the  famous  Delhi  Ridge  which  over- 
looked the  town  and  shielded  the  old  cantonments  from 
the  Delhi  guns,  and  so  long  as  the  enemy  held  this  ridge 
no  steps  could  be  taken  against  the  town. 

Barnard  had  not  a  single  native  corps  under  his  com- 
mand and  the  general  feeling  in  his  camp  was  that  none 
was  to  be  trusted.  On  the  afternoon  of  June  1  a  body  of 
dark-faced  men  was  seen  approaching;  the  Alarm  sounded, 
1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  ii.  p.  157. 


The  Mutiny  273 

and,  believing  that  an  attempt  was  being  made  to  outflank 
them,  the  camp  rushed  to  arms.  Then  the  bugles  blew 
again  and  the  alarm  subsided,  as  the  word  was  passed  from 
man  to  man  that  Reid's  Gurkhas  had  come  down  from 
the  hills  ready  to  kill  or  be  killed,  to  bite  cartridges,  or  eat 
"  bullock-bone  flour,"  if  such  was  the  wish  of  their  British 
officers.1 

The  English  soldiers  rushed  out  to  line  the  road  and 
cheer  the  first  loyal  battalion,  and  as  the  little  fellows  were 
seen  to  be  staggering  from  the  effects  of  the  heat  and  the 
long  march,  they  took  the  Gurkhas  by  the  arms  and  led 
them  into  camp.  A  few  days  later  the  battle  of  Badli-ka- 
Serai  was  fought,  the  Ridge  was  stormed,  and  the  old 
cantonments  regained ;  and  the  Gurkhas  behaved  so 
grandly  that  they  were  given  the  post  of  honour  on  the 
Ridge,  the  outpost  house  of  Hindu  Rao,  on  whose  posses- 
sion depended  the  safety  of  the  camp. 

"  Send  down  the  Gurkhas  from  the  hills,"  Sir  Henry  had 
telegraphed.  "  We  are  pushing  on  the  Guides,"  wrote 
Sir  John,  and  on  the  day  after  the  victory  of  Badli-ka- 
Serai  the  camp  again  turned  out  to  welcome  a  second  loyal 
corps,  the  Guides  Cavalry  and  Infantry,  who  had  made 
the  most  wonderful  march  in  Indian  annals.  The  Guides 
Infantry  was  posted  with  the  Gurkhas  and,  side  by  side, 
these  two  corps  made  the  land  ring  with  their  renown.2 

1  Major  Reid  has  recorded  that  whilst  he  was  embarking  his 
Gurkhas  on  the  canal  several  men  of  the  sappers  came  from  Meerut 
and  entered  into  communication  with  them.  "  I  took  no  notice 
at  first,"  he  adds,  "  but  as  soon  as  they  moved  on,  I  called  up  a 
couple  of  my  men  and  asked  them  what  the  sappers  had  said  to 
them.  One  little  fellow  replied,  '  They  wanted  to  know  if  we  were 
going  to  Meerut  to  eat  the  ottah  sent  up  especially  for  the  Gurkhas 
by  the  Governor-General;  that  the  ottah  at  Meerut  was  nothing 
but  ground  bullocks'  bones.'  '  And  what  was  your  reply?  '  I 
asked.  '  I  said,'  was  the  answer,  '  the  regiment  was  going  where- 
ever  it  was  ordered — we  obey  the  bugle-call.'  " — The  Sepoy  War, 
vol.  ii.  p.  177. 

*  As  Hindu  Rao's  house  was  well  within  range  of  the  big  guns 
of  the  Mori  Bastion,  and  was,  moreover,  the  object  of  twenty-six 


274         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

The  arrival  of  the  Guides  had  a  political  as  well  as  a  military 
aspect,  as  the  mere  fact  that  the  "  crack  corps  "  of  the 
Punjab  was  fighting  on  the  British  side  added  prestige 
to  the  cause. 

The  Ridge  had  been  gained,  but  the  city  lay  before  them 
vast  and  strong  and  confident,  without  a  weak  place  in  its 
armour,  and  Barnard's  force  realised  that  they  were  to  be 
in  every  sense  the  besieged  and  not  the  besiegers.  They 
had  no  guns  that  would  make  the  least  impression  on 
Napier's  defences ;  sickness  was  thinning  their  ranks,  and 
Sir  Henry  Barnard  was  one  of  the  earliest  victims.  Hardly 
a  day  passed  without  its  assault  upon  the  Gurkha  picket ; 
hardly  an  hour  in  which  the  big  guns  of  the  Mori  Bastion 
did  not  sweep  the  outposts  on  the  Ridge ;  for  nowhere  did 
the  pandies  fight  so  staunchly  as  at  Delhi.  Two  days 
after  the  battle  of  Badli-ka-Serai  the  Rohtak  sepoys  aug- 
mented the  rebel  garrison,  and  presently  the  mutineers 
poured  in  by  hundreds  from  Jalandar,  Bareilly,  Nasirabad, 
and  Neemuch.  The  news  arrived  that  Havelock  had  his 
hands  full  and  no  hope  of  aid  from  that  quarter  might  be 
entertained.  The  Punjab,  whence  alone  reinforcements 
could  be  sent,  was  now  almost  denuded  of  trustworthy 
troops,  and  Edwardes,  Nicholson,  and  Cotton  were  beseech- 
ing their  chief  to  send  no  more,  lest  the  weakness  of  their 
rulers  should  prove  too  strong  temptation  for  the  ambitious 
warriors  of  the  Khalsa.  "  Anchor,  Hardy,  Anchor!  " 
Edwardes  wrote  to  him.  Delhi  is  not  India;  let  it  wait 
until  the  China  Force  arrives.  If  you  let  the  Punjab  go 
all  India  is  lost. 

But  Lawrence  was  not  convinced.     If  we  weaken  the 

distinct  assaults  (one  lasting  a  day  and  a  night),  it  is  hardly  surprising 
that  very  few  of  either  Guides  or  Gurkhas  returned  to  their  homes. 
On  the  day  of  the  storming  of  Delhi  barely  one  hundred  men  of 
Reid's  corps  were  reported  fit  for  duty,  but  hearing  what  was 
toward  ninety-five  wounded  Gurkhas  crawled  out  of  hospital  and 
joined  their  officers. 


The  Mutiny  275 

Punjab  it  may  be  fatal,  he  replied,  but  if  a  disaster  happens 
to  the  Delhi  Force  all  is  indeed  lost.  In  the  first  case  ruin 
is  probable ;  in  the  second,  certain.  There  is  only  one 
source  whence  European  aid  can  be  sent  to  Delhi.  The 
Peshawar  garrison  includes  some  three  thousand  white 
troops,  who  are  gradually  being  slain  by  the  climate. 
Dost  Mohammed  desires  Peshawar;  he  is  being  urged  to 
snatch  it  from  us  while  we  are  weak.  Let  us  then  make 
him  a  present  of  the  valley,  and  so  secure  his  friendship, 
and  withdraw  Europeans  and  irregulars  across  the  Indus, 
where  half  of  them  will  be  sufficient  to  guard  the  new 
frontier,  and  the  rest  can  go  to  Delhi. 

Here  John  Lawrence  stood  alone,  right  or  wrong,  a  grand 
figure,  daring  to  run  counter  to  opinion  both  popular  and 
expert ;  not  afraid  to  take  the  responsibility  for  a  policy 
that  seemed  to  smack  of  cowardice,  a  policy  that  might 
be — and  was — quoted  in  after  years  as  an  instance  of  his 
lack  of  an  infallibility  to  which  he  made  no  claim.  Cotton 
and  Nicholson,  whose  opinions  he  greatly  valued,  were  as 
determined  as  Edwardes  in  their  opposition,  and  even  his 
own  secretary,  Major  James,  recorded  a  strongly-worded 
memorandum  against  his  views.  He  stood  alone,  but 
unshaken. 

;'  You  know  on  what  a  nest  of  devils  we  stand,"  Edwardes 
wrote  to  him.  "  Once  take  our  foot  up  and  we  shall  be 
stung  to  death;  "  and  again,  "  Peshawur  is  the  anchor  of 
the  Punjab,  and  if  you  take  it  up  the  whole  ship  will  drift 
to  sea."  He  and  his  colleagues  declared  emphatically  that 
the  Punjab  would  treat  the  abandonment  of  Peshawar  as 
an  admission  that  even  John  Lawrence  knew  that  he  was 
beaten,  and  then  the  game  would  indeed  be  up;  and  the 
Afghans,  instead  of  displaying  gratitude,  would  regard  it 
as  a  sign  that  they  might  safely  help  themselves  to 
more. 

"  The  Punjab  Irregular  Force,"  said  Cotton,  its  cum- 


276         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

manding  officer,  "  no  longer  respecting  our  power,  will,  in 
all  likelihood,  turn  against  us.  .  .  .  I  earnestly  implore 
of  you,  my  dear  Sir  John,  to  hold  to  our  position  on  this 
frontier."  "  Give  up  every  place  but  Peshawur,  Lahore, 
and  Multan,"  said  Nicholson  with  equal  emphasis.  The 
Lumsdens,  who  were  in  Kandahar,  sent  word  that  the  amir 
had  already  the  utmost  difficulty  in  keeping  his  subjects  in 
hand.  A  retreat  across  the  Indus  would  send  the  Afghans 
swarming  through  the  passes,  firmly  convinced  that  "  The 
good  old  days  are  back — let  us  go  to  war !  " 

The  Chief  Commissioner  deliberately  weighed  the  argu- 
ments against  him,  and  was  not  turned  from  his  purpose. 
He  admitted  the  force  of  the  objections,  agreed  that  the  step 
he  proposed  was  fraught  with  peril,  that  Dost  Mohammed 
and  the  Punjabis  of  all  classes  would  regard  it  as  a  sign  of 
weakness,  of  which  they  might  try  to  take  advantage. 
But  he  did  not  waver  in  his  conviction  that  the  danger 
of  disaster  to  the  Delhi  force  was  greater  still.  If  a  large 
portion  of  the  Peshawar  garrison  and  the  Frontier  Force 
could  be  released  to  swell  the  army  before  Delhi  that  town 
might  quickly  fall,  and  the  effect  of  such  a  triumph  would 
outweigh  the  temporary  loss  of  prestige  incurred  by  the 
abandonment  of  Peshawar. 

Not  even  John  Lawrence  could  cede  territory  without  the 
consent  of  the  Governor-General.  He  placed  before  Lord 
Canning  his  reasons  for  contemplating  a  measure  so 
reactionary  and  asked  for  one  line  in  reply — either  "  Hold 
on  to  Peshawar  to  the  last,"  or  "  You  may  act  as  may 
appear  expedient  in  regard  to  Peshawar."  The  Governor- 
General  was  of  the  same  opinion  as  Edwardes  and  Nicholson 
and  he  sent  the  "  Hold  on  "  telegram,  but,  as  it  had  to 
travel  via  Madras  and  Bombay  the  danger  was  over  before 
its  arrival. 

In  this  one  proposal  the  chief  had  not  the  support  of  his 
best  officers,  and  the  balance  of  opinion  has  been  against 


The  Mutiny  277 

him.  On  the  other  hand,  Edwardes  was  the  first  to  admit 
that  though  Sir  John  Lawrence  had  proposed  to  abandon 
Peshawar,  he  it  was  who,  by  sending  down  regiment  after 
regiment  to  Delhi,  when  every  one  declared  that  not 
another  man  could  be  spared,  had  saved  Peshawar  and 
Delhi  and  the  Indian  Empire. 

Sir  John  was  asked  at  a  later  date  to  explain  the  dis- 
tinctive features  of  the  Punjab  system  that  had  proved  so 
successful.  He  answered  that  it  was  the  men  that  had 
done  so  well,  not  the  system.  And  now,  in  June,  came 
the  call  from  Delhi  not  only  for  the  troops  of  the  Punjab, 
but  also  for  his  most  trusted  lieutenants.  The  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  Delhi  force  had  died,  and  as  the  post  was  one 
that  no  ordinary  man  could  fill  Lawrence  offered  either  of 
his  two  best  soldiers.  They  might  have  Neville  Chamber- 
lain or  Nicholson,  but  on  one  condition,  that,  should  the 
former  be  taken  from  the  Punjab,  Nicholson,  though  only 
a  regimental  captain,  must  have  command  of  the  Movable 
Column,  and  must  be  given  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General 
so  that  into  whatever  station  he  might  enter  he  would  still 
be  senior  officer.  The  terms  were  accepted ;  Chamberlain 
went  to  Delhi,  and  Nicholson  took  his  place. 

"  I  know  you  recommended  it  on  public  grounds,"  the 
latter  wrote  to  his  chief,  "  but  I  do  not  feel  the  less  obliged 
to  you.  ...  I  have  dismissed  old  grievances  (whether  real 
or  imaginary)  from  my  mind,  and,  as  far  as  I  am  concerned, 
bygones  are  bygones.  In  return,  I  would  ask  you  not  to 
judge  me  over-hastily  or  hardly."  1 

For  two  months  John  Nicholson  retained  his  inde- 
pendent command,  and  the  Movable  Column  justified  its 
name  as  he  swept  the  Punjab  with  it,  and  flung  it  from 
point  to  point  wherever  the  pandies  showed  their  heads. 
His  office  at  Peshawar  was  given  to  Major  James,  who  had 
not  forfeited  his  chief's  good  opinion  because  he  had  dared 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  1 1. 


278         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

to  oppose  him,1  and  Mr.  Brandreth  was  appointed  "  acting  " 
secretary.  "  Well,  Brandreth,"  said  Sir  John,  "  you  are 
come  to  be  my  Secretary,  are  you?  You  must  be  reticent, 
remember,  all  Secretaries  must  be.  But  you  need  not  be 
so  reticent  as  James,  for  he  won't  tell  even  me !  "  2 

While  Nicholson's  column  was  operating  in  the  Manjha 
the  spread  of  disaffection  reached  Rawul  Pindi,  and  the 
thoroughness  with  which  the  Chief  Commissioner  had 
cleared  the  province  of  trustworthy  troops  was  brought 
home  to  him.  The  poorbeahs  at  Rawul  Pindi  were 
comrades  of  those  at  Jhelum  and  Sialkot,  stations  about 
sixty  and  one  hundred  miles  to  the  south-east,  and  a  lead 
given  at  any  of  the  three  stations  would  probably  be 
followed  by  the  others.  In  the  beginning  of  July  Sir  John 
gave  instructions  to  disarm,  and  at  the  Rawul  Pindi  parade 
he  rode  forward  to  address  the  sepoys,  and  in  so  doing 
placed  himself  between  them  and  the  gunners,  who,  port- 
fires in  hand,  had  their  orders  to  blow  away  the  poorbeahs 
on  the  first  sign  of  resistance  or  flight.  Before  he  could 
speak,  the  accidental  discharge  of  a  carbine  sent  the  sepoys 
racing  for  their  lines  where  they  might  hope  to  make  a 
stand.  Happily  the  gunners  were  not  carried  away  by 
the  excitement ;  they  held  their  hands  and  allowed  the 
sepoys  to  gain  the  shelter,  ' '  but  Lawrence  at  once  galloped 
after  them,  and,  regardless  of  the  eagerness  with  which  they 
were  all  loading  around  them,  called  to  them  to  listen  and 
not  to  cause  their  own  destruction.  He  thought  nothing 
of  his  own  peril  in  his  anxiety  to  save  them ;  and  with 
Colonel  Barstow's  aid,  he  was  successful."  3 

At  Jhelum  the  Chief  Commissioner's  instructions  were 
disregarded,  with  the  result  that  the  sepoys  broke  loose, 

1  Taylor,  the  engineer,  has  said  that  though  Lawrence  was  a 
"  hard  taskmaster,"  he  would  "take  back  plain  speaking"  from 
his  assistants. 

2  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  12. 

3  Mr.  Brandreth,  quoted  by  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  36. 


The  Mutiny  279 

and  gave  the  signal  to  Sialkot,  a  station  that  contained  no 
European  troops.  The  poorbeah  infantry  allowed  their 
officers  to  escape,  but  the  cavalry  troopers  committed  many 
murders,  sacked  the  station,  captured  a  gun,  and,  with  the 
infantry,  set  off  to  Delhi,  firmly  convinced  that  the  British 
were  indeed  lachar. 

But  these  Sialkot  regiments  had  not  reckoned  with 
Nicholson,  who  heard  of  the  murders  as  he  returned  from 
one  of  his  daurs1  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Amritsar,  one 
hundred  miles  from  Sialkot.  It  was  the  hottest  time  of 
the  year,  and  as  the  Europeans  of  the  Movable  Column  had 
already  been  hard-worked,  he  requisitioned  for  their  use 
every  light  vehicle  and  every  horse  upon  which  he  could 
lay  hands,  and  dashed  towards  the  Ravi  to  cut  them  off. 
The  pandies  knew  how  far  away  were  the  nearest  English 
troops,  and,  putting  their  trust  in  the  July  sun,  they  had 
no  fear  of  infantry.  Nicholson  struck  them  just  after 
they  had  crossed  the  Ravi.  Though  the  sepoys  fought 
pluckily,  they  were  driven  back  towards  the  river  and 
penned  on  an  island  in  mid-stream,  where  they  remained 
for  three  days  until  Nicholson  had  collected  boats.  He 
then  embarked  a  portion  of  his  force,  and,  at  their  head, 
went  straight  for  the  gun  which  the  pandies  had  turned 
upon  him.  In  command  was  a  big  sepoy,  whom  Nicholson 
cut  clean  in  two  with  one  mighty  stroke ;  and,  a  few 
moments  later,  the  Sialkot  regiments  had  ceased  to  exist. 

This  tragedy  was  cited  to  the  Governor-General  by  Sir 
John  as  an  instance  of  what  could  be  done  by  a  resolute 
commander.  The  generals  that  had  allowed  the  sepoys 
to  escape  at  Meerut,  Jalandar,  and  elsewhere  would  never 
have  dreamed  of  the  attempt;  others,  more  energetic, 
might  have  considered  its  feasibility  and  have  judged  that 
the  bare  possibility  of  exchanging  a  few  shots  with  the 
mutineers,  and  so  hastening  their  flight,  could  not  be 
1  Minor  expeditions. 


280         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

weighed  against  the  ill-effects  of  the  exposure  of  the 
Europeans  to  the  sun.  But  Nicholson  determined  to 
destroy  them,  and  he  did  it  completely,  and  the  moral 
effect  was  of  greater  benefit  than  the  mere  diminution  of 
the  sepoy  ranks  by  a  thousand  men.  The  news  of  the 
wonderful  pursuit  flew  through  the  Punjab,  strong  men 
discussed  that  feat  of  swordsmanship,  and  while  those 
natives  who  had  chosen  the  British  side  felt  new  strength 
and  confidence,  the  waverers  felt  less  inclined  to  pit  them- 
selves against  such  a  man ;  and  the  mutineers,  dreading 
him  as  a  demon,  were  already  half-beaten  whenever  he 
opposed  them.  An  incident  of  the  pursuit  is  characteristic 
of  the  man.1  After  marching  thirty  miles  the  column 
reached  a  grove  and  the  officers  begged  that  their  men 
might  rest  beneath  the  shade  for  an  hour  or  two,  and,  as 
many  had  been  struck  down  by  the  sun,  the  general 
reluctantly  consented.  Presently  one  English  soldier, 
and  then  another,  looked  round  for  the  young  leader  and 
found  him  "  in  the  full  glare  of  the  sun,  sitting  bolt  upright 
upon  his  horse,  and  perfectly  motionless,"  in  "  silent 
protest."  A  whisper  passed  down  the  outstretched  ranks, 
and  the  men  rose  and  resumed  the  march,  worthy  of  their 
leader. 

But  in  spite  of  the  exertions  of  the  ever-victorious 
Movable  Column  the  Punjab  was  uneasy,  for  at  the  end 
of  July  the  re-capture  of  Delhi  seemed  more  remote  than 
ever.  Sir  John  had  moved  to  Lahore,  and  soon  after  his 
arrival  one  of  the  disarmed  regiments  there  had  bolted, 
after  cutting  its  colonel  to  pieces ;  the  example  had  been 
followed  at  Peshawar  (where  the  European  garrison  was 
reduced  by  sickness  to  one-third  its  nominal  strength)  and 
at  other  places,  and,  though  swift  punishment  had  overtaken 
the  mutineers,2  these  risings  were  symptoms  that  the  strain 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  42. 

*  The  5  1st  "  made  a  rush  on  the  arms  of  the  new  Sikh  corps  whilst 


The  Mutiny  281 

could  not  much  longer  be  borne.  General  Reed  had 
succeeded  Sir  Henry  Barnard  in  command  of  the  Delhi 
force,  and  when  he,  its  third  commander,  was  struck  down 
by  illness,  General  Wilson  took  his  place.  The  rebel 
numbers  were  growing  in  far  greater  proportion  than 
were  the  British,  who,  however,  still  hung  on  with  a  bull- 
dog tenacity  that  had  its  effect  in  keeping  the  Sikhs  quiet ; 
but  Wilson  was  ill  and  Chamberlain  wounded,  there  was 
talk  of  retiring,  and  the  Punjab  quivered.  To  spare 
another  man  from  the  province  was  impossible !  And  Sir 
John  Lawrence  accomplished  the  impossible.  He  sent 
off  more  than  three  thousand — no  less  a  reinforcement 
than  the  Movable  Column,  and  John  Nicholson  himself 
to  lead  it  to  other  and  greater  victories.  Not  content  with 
thus  robbing  his  province  of  the  force  that  had  overawed 
five  times  its  number,  Sir  John  at  the  same  time  began  to 
prepare  at  Ferozepore  a  siege-train  capable  of  battering 
down  the  walls  of  Delhi. 

Khalsa  was  at  dinner.  Khalsa  dropped  his  curry  and  went  in  for 
victory,"  and  there  was  no  longer  any  51st  Native  Infantry. — 
Edwardes' s  Letter  to  the  Chief  Commissioner. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

{May-July  1857) 

SIEGE    OF   LUCKNOW   AND    DEATH    OF    HENRY   LAWRENCE 

Henry  Lawrence  prepared — He  wins  over  a  Number  of  Sepoys — 
Failure  of  the  Rebel  Plans — A  Headstrong  Subordinate — The 
Cawnpore  Massacre — Chinhut — Death  of  Henry  Lawrence. 

The  news  from  Meerut  and  Delhi  had  reached  Lucknow 
and,  for  two  or  three  days,  anticipation  of  its  comet-train 
of  consequences  had  been  filling  the  minds  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Oudh  capital  with  hope  or  consternation 
before  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  made  a  move.  He  refused 
to  precipitate  a  crisis  until  he  was  ready  to  deal  with  it. 
But  on  the  morning  of  May  17  the  mutinously-inclined 
awoke  to  the  fact  that  they  had  been  forestalled,  and  that 
while  they  intrigued  the  situation  in  Lucknow  had  quietly 
been  changed.  "  An  entirely  new  and  effective  disposition 
of  the  troops  "  had  been  made;  the  bridges  over  the 
Gumti  connecting  the  cantonments  and  the  city  were  under 
the  control  of  the  32nd  Foot;  the  Muchi  Bawn,  a  huge 
building  close  to  the  Chief  Commissioner's  Headquarters, 
had  been  garrisoned,  and  the  European  women  and  children 
were  safe  within  the  Residency. 

"  In  the  cantonment  where  I  reside,"  Sir  Henry  wrote 
to  Lord  Canning,  "the  270  or  so  men  of  H.M.'s  32nd 
with  8  guns,  could  at  any  time  knock  to  pieces  the  four 
native  regiments."  Although  the  Residency  was  in  no 
immediate  danger  he  caused  all  houses  in  its  neighbourhood 
that  might  serve  to  shelter  assailants  to  be  destroyed, 
and  the  owners  were  given  full  compensation,  but  neither 

282 


Siege  of  Lucknow  283 

mosque  nor  temple  would  he  permit  to  be  touched. 
"  Spare  the  holy  places,"  was  his  reply,  when  urged  to 
complete  the  measures  for  the  Residency's  defence,  though 
none  knew  better  than  he  the  use  to  which  such  buildings 
would  be  put  in  case  of  an  assault  upon  his  posts.  He 
then  issued  the  following  memorandum  to  his  officers : — 

"  Time  is  everything  just  now.  Time,  firmness,  prompt- 
ness, conciliation,  and  prudence ;  every  officer,  each 
individual  European,  high  and  low,  may  at  this  crisis  prove 
most  useful  or  even  dangerous.  A  firm  and  cheerful 
aspect  must  be  maintained;  there  must  be  no  bustle,  no 
appearance  of  alarm,  still  less  of  panic ;  but  at  the  same 
time  there  must  be  the  utmost  watchfulness  and  prompt- 
ness ;  everywhere  the  first  germ  of  insurrection  must  be 
put  down  instantly.  Ten  men  may  in  an  hour  quell  a  row 
which,  after  a  day's  delay,  may  take  weeks  to  put  down. 
I  wish  this  point  to  be  well  understood.  .  .  ."  * 

He  also  emphasised  the  importance  of  committing  the 
well-disposed  talukdars,  zemindars,  and  sepoys  to  the  side 
of  the  Government,  of  helping  to  overcome  the  irresolution 
of  those  who  were  "  sitting  upon  the  fence  "  and  influence 
them  towards  a  right  decision.  The  wavering  sepoy, 
with  no  animus  against  the  English  and  no  sense  of  personal 
wrong  over  which  to  brood,  would  still  throw  in  his  lot 
with  the  majority  if  left  to  decide  for  himself,  unaided ; 
and  a  hatred  of  the  alien  would  develop  with  time  and  the 
sense  of  antagonism  between  black  and  white.  But  let 
the  waverers  be  given  some  responsibility,  duly  yet  not 
obviously  safe-guarded ;  let  them  be  separated,  unostenta- 
tiously and,  if  possible,  upon  some  plausible  pretext,  from 
the  disaffected,  and  quartered  with  comrades  whose 
steadiness  might  reasonably  be  counted  upon,  and  on  the 
test-day  their  environment  would  affect  their  actions  and 
might  incline  them  duty-wards.  He  could  understand 
1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  324. 


284         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

and  make  allowance  for  the  hesitation,  the  inclination 
swaying  from  one  side  to  the  other,  could  sympathise  with 
the  helpless  groping  among  conflicting  sentiments,  emotions, 
and  prejudices,  and  one  of  the  elements  of  his  influence — 
hardly  less  potent  indeed  than  his  personal  magnetism — 
was  his  ability  to  divine  the  exact  degree  of  trust  that  might 
safely  be  placed  in  men  in  order  to  gain  their  confidence, 
avoiding,  on  the  one  hand,  the  danger  of  giving  what 
would  be  misused,  and,  on  the  other,  by  withholding,  of 
arousing  resentment  of  the  implied  suspicion.  By  assum- 
ing with  the  undecided  that  loyalty  and  devotion  to  duty 
would  be  forthcoming,  he  created  those  virtues  in  the 
minds  of  men  accustomed  to  obey — bred  to  subordinate 
roles.  When  reason  was  thrust  impatiently  aside  unable  to 
obtain  a  hearing,  when  even  immediate  interests  were 
being  disregarded,  when  Fear  brought  forth  a  desperate 
courage,  the  assumption  that  a  certain  line  of  conduct 
was  expected  would  prevail  when  argument  would  fail. 
Other  men  had  greater  faith  in  their  sepoys,  and  showed  it, 
and  perished ;  others  had  less  and  failed  or  partially 
succeeded  according  to  the  soundness  of  the  measures  taken 
to  ward  the  blow,  and  to  the  extent  of  their  resources. 
But  none  made  such  good  use  of  waverers  as  he  did  of  those 
whose  defection  would  have  been  certain  had  not  his  know- 
ledge of  human  nature,  his  sympathy  with — and  yet 
mastery  over — the  weak  in  purpose,  enabled  him  to  show 
just  enough  belief  in  the  sepoy  to  make  him  wish  to  justify 
the  confidence,  and  yet  not  enough  for  him  to  take  advantage 
of.  He  took  the  measure  of  his  instruments  and  by  rely- 
ing upon  them  made  them  the  more  fit  to  be  relied  upon. 
Nothing  was  too  trivial  for  his  observation,  and  in  the 
memorandum  already  quoted  he  showed  his  knowledge 
of  the  chieftains,  native  officers,  and  common  sepoys  into 
whose  blood  the  poison  had  not  yet  worked  its  way  by 
naming  one  who  "  can  hit  a  bottle  at  a  hundred  yards," 


Siege  of  Lucknow  285 

and  referring  to  others  who  owned  double-barrelled  guns 
and  were  good  shots.  Such  were  the  men  he  wished  his 
officers  to  win  over. 

His  mastery  of  detail,  his  activity,  the  thoroughness  of 
his  personal  inspection,  amazed  those  who  knew  how 
feeble  was  his  frame.  "  Night  and  day  seemed  all  the 
same  to  him,"  said  one  of  the  besieged.  He  spent  most 
of  his  time  in  the  native  cantonment,  where  he  gained  the 
esteem  of  the  sepoys,  and  in  her  diary  of  the  siege  Lady 
Inglis  tells  how  the  Europeans  looked  up  to  him.  During 
the  evening  service  on  Sunday,  May  24 — a  favourite  time 
for  the  outbreak  of  mutiny — the  boom  of  cannon  was 
heard,  and  for  a  moment  the  congregation  was  thrown  into 
a  state  of  panic,  but  "  Sir  Henry  did  not  even  turn  his 
head,  so  we  felt  quite  re-assured."  The  reports  merely 
announced  the  end  of  the  Ramazan  Fast. 

But  he  trusted  not  in  himself  and  his  measures  of  pre- 
caution. "  Often  was  he  found  upon  his  knees,  by  those 
who  entered  his  room  to  convey  information  or  to  solicit 
instruction."  x 

On  May  30  a  sepoy  of  the  13th  Native  Infantry 
warned  Captain  Wilson,  the  Deputy-Adjutant-General, 
that  a  rising  had  been  planned  for  that  evening,  and  Sir 
Henry's  spirit  rose  with  the  nearness  of  danger  so  that 
disease  and  the  burden  of  years  fell  from  him.  "  We  are 
pretty  jolly,"  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Raikes  that  day,  and  he 
refused  to  evince  anxiety  by  abandoning  a  dinner-party 
at  the  Residency.  "I  sat  at  the  bottom  of  the  table," 
wrote  Captain  Wilson,2  "  and  when  the  9  p.m.  gun  was 
fired,  Sir  Henry  said  with  a  laugh,  '  Wilson,  your  friends 
are  not  punctual.'  "  Almost  as  he  spoke  the  rattle  of 
musketry  was  heard  from  the  direction  of  the  cantonments. 
The  chief  had  formed  his  plans. 

1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  iii.  p.  494. 

2  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  332. 


286         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

"  The  horses  were  at  once  ordered,"  says  Captain  Wilson, 
"  and  Sir  Henry  stood  outside  in  the  moonlight,  on  the 
steps  of  the  Residency,  impatiently  awaiting  his  horse. 
There  was  a  guard  of  a  native  officer  and  sixty  sepoys  on 
duty  in  the  Residency,  and  immediately  on  the  alarm 
the  native  officer  had  drawn  them  up  in  line  about  thirty 
yards  distant,  directly  in  front  of  where  Sir  Henry  Law- 
rence stood.  And  now  the  soobahdar  came  to  me,  and, 
saluting,  said,  '  Am  I  to  load  ?  '  I  turned  to  Sir  Henry, 
and  repeated  the  question ;  he  said,  '  Oh,  yes,  let  him 
load.'  The  order  was  at  once  given,  and  the  ramrods  fell 
with  that  peculiar  dull  sound  on  the  leaden  bullets.  I 
believe  Sir  Henry  was  the  only  man  of  all  that  group 
whose  heart  did  not  beat  the  quicker  for  it.  But  he,  as 
the  men  brought  up  their  muskets  with  the  tubes  levelled 
directly  against  us,  cried  out,  '  I  am  going  to  drive  those 
scoundrels  out  of  cantonment :  take  care  while  I  am  away 
that  you  all  remain  at  your  posts,  and  allow  no  one  to  do 
any  damage  here,  or  enter  my  house,  else  when  I  return 
I  will  hang  you.'  .  .  .  The  guard  remained  steadily  at  its 
post,  and  with  the  bungalows  blazing  and  shots  firing  all 
round,  they  allowed  no  one  to  enter  the  house,  and  the 
residence  of  Sir  Henry  was  the  only  one  that  was  not  either 
pillaged  or  burnt." 

With  two  guns  and  a  company  of  the  European  infantry 
he  crossed  the  Gumti  and  blocked  the  roads  leading  from 
the  cantonment  to  the  city.  Deceived  by  the  apparent 
unpreparedness  of  the  English — as  evidenced  by  the 
dinner-party— no  plot  had  been  formed  for  a  simultaneous 
rising  in  city  and  cantonment.  The  budmashes  (bad 
characters)  were  awaiting  the  triumphant  entry  of  the 
mutineers,  and  the  promptness  with  which  the  disciplined 
sepoys  had  been  cut  off  from  the  rabble  of  the  town  had 
disconcerted  them  all.  Sir  Henry  had  notified  the  English 
officers  of'the  native  regiments  that  on  the  first  symptom 


Siege  of  Lucknow  287 

of  the  outbreak  those  sepoys  who  had  not  committed 
themselves  to  rebellion  should  be  separated  from  the 
actively  disloyal  before  they  should  have  time  to  make  up 
their  minds,  and  now  a  strong  body  of  faithful  poorbeahs 
from  the  cantonment  marched  to  join  the  Chief  Com- 
missioner by  the  bridge  he  was  guarding.  They  brought 
the  news  that  Brigadier  Handscombe,  the  officer  in  com- 
mand of  the  cantonment,  had  been  killed  by  a  stray  shot, 
and  that  Lieutenant  Grant  of  the  71st  and  Cornet  Raleigh 
of  the  7th  Cavalry  had  been  murdered.  Three  hundred 
of  these  loyal  sepoys — less  than  five  hundred  in  all — be- 
longed to  the  13th  Bengal  Native  Infantry,  a  corps  already 
marked  by  Lawrence  as  the  most  likely  to  prove  true,  and 
they  brought  with  them  their  colours  and  treasure-chest. 

Next  morning,  Sunday,  May  31,  Lawrence  with  the  32nd 
Foot  and  some  of  the  loyal  dark-faces  chased  and  captured 
a  number  of  the  rebels.  The  heat  was  too  fierce  for 
sustained  pursuit,  and  in  view  of  the  exhaustion  of  the 
Europeans  he  ordered  the  troops  to  retire  to  their  quarters. 
Attended  only  by  his  aide-de-camp  he  followed  on  the 
heels  of  the  mutineers  until  he  reached  a  police-post  where 
he  was  able  to  obtain  materials  for  a  letter  and  a  messenger 
to  gallop  with  it  to  Sitapur  to  warn  the  Commissioner  of 
the  danger  threatening  his  station.  The  warning  arrived 
too  late ;  the  sepoys  of  Sitapur  had  already  risen. 

In  the  course  of  the  day  the  budmashes  and  a  large 
number  of  the  nawab's  disbanded  troops  headed  an 
insurrection  in  the  city,  but  the  rising  was  suppressed  by 
the  32nd,  the  loyal  sepoys,  and  the  native  police.  Pre- 
vented by  Lawrence's  night-move  from  joining  forces  with 
the  regulars  the  rabble  had  little  stomach  for  the  fight. 

"  We  are  now  positively  better  than  we  were,"  Sir  Henry 
wrote  to  Lord  Canning  next  day.  "  We  now  know  our 
friends  and  enemies." 

A  number  of  the  Lucknow  mutineers  made  straight  for 


288         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Delhi,  but  some  carried  the  torch  of  rebellion  through  the 
villages  of  Oudh,  and  the  sepoy  regiments  in  other  parts 
of  the  province  rose  in  rebellion. 

That  so  large  a  number  of  poorbeahs  had  stood  the  fire- 
test  was  one  of  the  most  encouraging  features  of  the 
situation.  The  summer  heat  would  soon  have  rendered 
the  Europeans  unfit  to  carry  out  the  many  harassing 
duties  which  could  now  be  undertaken  by  the  loyal  sepoys, 
and  the  Lucknow  officers  praised  their  chief  to  whose 
influences  and  tact  the  result  was  due.  But  the  second 
in  command  took  a  different  view. 

Mr.  Gubbins  was  happy  only  in  opposition,  and  Kaye 
has  said  that,  lacking  other  opponent,  Martin  would  have 
quarrelled  with  Gubbins,  and  Gubbins  with  Martin.  In- 
domitably brave,  fiercely  energetic,  he  chafed  at  Sir  Henry's 
cautious  methods,  scoffed  at  the  idea  that  700  British 
soldiers  could  not  hold  their  own  without  poorbeah  aid, 
was  all  for  aggressive  measures  and  for  taking  risks  out  of 
proportion  to  the  chances  of  success.  Lawrence,  after 
watching  his  Financial  Commissioner  ride  straight  at  the 
sepoy  mob  on  May  31,  had  declared  to  Lord  Canning  that 
Gubbins  was  a  hero ;  and  no  man  was  better  fitted  to  lead 
a  forlorn  hope,  nor  more  unsuited  to  cope  with  a  situation 
requiring  infinite  tact,  foresight,  and  patience.  Though 
despising  the  loyalty  professed  and  demonstrated  by  the 
regular  sepoys,  the  civilian  was  prepared  to  place  reliance 
upon  the  Oudh  Irregulars,  on  whom  Sir  Henry  was  loth 
to  count.  The  persistent  opposition  of  the  headstrong 
subordinate,  his  continual  urging  of  impossible  aggressive 
measures,  and  his  evident  desire  to  supersede  his  chief, 
gradually  wore  down  the  frail  health.  Conscious  that  he 
might  soon  succumb,  and  dreading  a  catastrophe,  Sir 
Henry  determined  to  prevent  Mr.  Gubbins  from  becoming 
his  successor,  and  on  June  4  he  telegraphed  to  the 
Governor-General : 


Siege  of  Lucknow  289 

"  If  anything  happens  to  me  during  present  disturbances, 
I  earnestly  recommend  that  Major  Banks  succeed  me  as 
Chief  Commissioner,  and  Colonel  Inglis  in  command  of  the 
troops,  until  better  times  arrive.  This  is  no  time  for 
punctilio  as  regards  seniority.  They  are  the  right  men, 
in  fact  the  only  men  for  the  places." 

Five  days  later  the  Chief  Commissioner  was  so  ill  that 
the  doctors  ordered  him  to  abstain  from  work.  He  obeyed 
and  appointed  a  provisional  council,  consisting  of  Mr. 
Gubbins,  Mr.  Ommaney,  Colonel  Inglis,  and  Majors  Banks 
and  Anderson,  but  though  the  three  soldiers  pinned  their 
faith  to  Sir  Henry,  so  great  was  Mr.  Gubbins'  force  of 
character  that  he  led  the  council.  He  seized  the  chance 
of  dismissing  the  sepoys,  disarmed,  to  their  homes,  and 
had  partially  carried  out  the  scheme  when  the  invalid  rose 
from  his  bed,  dissolved  the  council,  returned  their  arms 
to  the  majority  of  the  sepoys,  and  increased  their  numbers 
by  inviting  pensioners  of  the  Company's  army  to  join  the 
ranks. 

So  great  was  Sir  Henry's  prestige  that  he  had  little 
difficulty  in  amassing  good  stores  of  provisions  from  many 
of  the  principal  talukdars  and  in  obtaining  from  the  same 
source  prompt  intelligence  of  the  rebel  movements.  Nor 
were  advice  and  suggestions  on  the  part  of  natives  wanting. 
One  well-meaning  Brahman  approached  Sir  Henry  with 
the  serious  proposal  that  "  a  number  of  monkeys  should 
be  procured,  and  that  they  should  be  kept  at  the  Residency, 
and  attended  and  fed  by  high-caste  Brahmans,  and  that 
this  measure  would  not  only  be  the  means  of  propitiating 
all  the  Hindoo  deities  in  our  favour,  but  that  it  would  also 
tend  to  make  the  British  rule  in  India  again  popular  with 
the  natives.  Sir  Henry  put  on  his  hat,  and,  rising,  said 
in  the  courteous  tone  for  which  he  was  ever  remarkable : 
'  Your  advice,  my  friend,  is  good.  Come  with  me,  and  I 
will  show  you  my  monkeys.'     And,  leading  the  way,  he 


290         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

walked  into  a  newly-completed  battery,  and,  laying  his 
hand  on  the  18-pounder  gun  which  occupied  it,  observed: 
'  See  here  is  one  of  my  monkeys ;  that,'  indicating  a  pile  of 
shot,  '  is  his  food ;  and  this  '  (pointing  to  a  sentry  of  the 
32nd  Foot)  '  is  the  man  who  feeds  them.  There !  go  and 
tell  your  friends  of  my  monkeys.'  " l 

He  found  time  to  send  his  brother  George  advice  with 
respect  to  the  policy  to  be  maintained  in  Rajputana,'- 
and  his  correspondence  of  this  period  shows  his  keen 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Punjab  and  other  provinces, 
and  that  he  did  not  make  the  mistake  of  supposing  that 
his  charge  was  the  one  place  on  which  attention  should  be 
concentrated. 

To  Mr.  Colvin,  at  Agra,  he  wrote  on  June  12,  that  "  Mr. 
Gubbins  has  been  almost  insubordinately  urgent  on  me 
to  disband  these  remnants.  ...  He  is  a  gallant,  energetic, 
clever  fellow,  but  sees  only  through  his  own  vista,  and  is 
therefore  sometimes  troublesome."  To  Lord  Canning: 
"  The  conduct  of  the  Europeans  is  beautiful.  By  God's 
help  we  can  hold  our  own  for  a  month,  but  there  should  be 
no  delay  in  sending  succour." 

To  General  Wheeler,  at  Cawnpore,  who  had  appealed  for 
help,  he  was  compelled  by  the  presence  of  the  women  and 
children  in  Lucknow  to  reply  that  his  chief  officers  "  are 
unanimous  in  thinking  that  with  the  enemy's  command 
of  the  river,  we  could  not  possibly  get  a  single  man  into 
your  intrenchment.  I  need  not  say  that  I  deeply  lament 
being  obliged  to  concur  in  this  opinion.  .  .  .  Mr.  Gubbins, 
who    does    not    understand    the    difficulties    of    the    most 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  346-347. 

2  That  the  Rajput  princes  took  no  part  in  the  rebellion  was 
without  doubt  due  to  Sir  Henry's  success  in  allaying  their  fears. 
He  was  also  cheered  by  the  news  that  the  Native  States,  in  whose 
cause  he  had  suffered  so  much,  were  acting — in  Canning's  own  words 
— as  "  breakwaters  to  the  storm,  which  would  otherwise  have  swept 
over  us  in  one  great  wave." 


Siege  of  Lucknow  291 

difficult  of  military  operations,  the  passage  of  a  river  in 
the  face  of  an  enemy,  is  led  away  by  generous  enthusiasm 
to  desire  impossibilities.  I  write  not  only  my  own  opinion, 
but  that  of  many  ready  to  risk  their  lives  to  rescue  you. 
God  grant  you  His  protection." 

His  heart  was  wrung  by  a  note  from  Wheeler  on  the  24th, 
describing  the  pitiable  state  of  the  Europeans  at  Cawnpore, 
and,  attempting  to  reply  in  a  tone  of  encouragement,  he 
urged  him  not  to  "  accept  any  terms  from  the  enemy,  as 
1  much  fear  treachery.  You  cannot  rely  on  the  Nana's 
promises.  77  a  tue  beaucoup  de  prisonniers."  He  sent  a 
message  to  inform  Havelock  of  Wheeler's  extremity,  and 
wrote  to  Mr.  Colvin  that  "  we  have  no  fear  except  for 
Wheeler,  for  supplying  whom  I  am  making  every  exertion." 

But  the  next  day,  June  28,  brought  the  news  of  the 
tragedy ;   Wheeler  had  trusted  the  Mahratta. 

Immediately  after  the  Cawnpore  massacre  the  rebels 
began  to  concentrate  against  Lucknow,  and,  rather  than 
submit  tamely  to  an  investment,  Sir  Henry  resolved  to  take 
a  great  risk.     His  letter  to  Havelock  tells  the  result. 

My  dear  Havelock, — This  morning  we  went  out  eight  miles 
to  Chinhut  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  we  were  defeated,  and  lost  five 
guns  through  the  misconduct  chiefly  of  our  Native  Artillery,  many 
of  whom  deserted.  The  enemy  have  followed  us  up,  and  we  have 
now  been  besieged  for  four  hours,  and  shall  probably  to-night  be 
surrounded.  The  enemy  are  very  bold,  and  our  Europeans  very 
low.  I  look  on  our  position  now  as  ten  times  as  bad  as  it  was 
yesterday;  indeed,  it  is  very  critical.  We  shall  be  obliged  to  con- 
centrate if  we  are  able.  We  shall  have  to  abandon  much  supplies, 
and  to  blow  up  much  powder.  Unless  we  are  relieved  quickly,  say 
in  ten  or  fifteen  days,  we  shall  hardly  be  able  to  maintain  our 
position.  We  lost  three  officers  killed  this  morning,  and  several 
wounded — Colonel  Case,  Captain  Stephen,  and  Mr.  Brackenbury. 

"  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  has  been  blamed  for  this  mis- 
fortune," wrote  one  of  the  defenders  of  Lucknow,1  "  and 

1  Colonel  Wilson's  narrative.  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii. 
p.  366. 


292         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

as  he  commanded,  the  responsibility  must  rest  on  him. 
But  none  but  those  who  were  in  his  immediate  confidence 
are  aware  of  all  the  difficulties  of  his  position.  The  whole 
city  of  Lucknow  was  wavering;  hourly  reports  were 
brought  in  of  the  intended  defection  of  our  few  native 
adherents.  It  was  well  known  that  the  Cawnpore  garrison 
had  been  destroyed.  All  the  out-stations  in  Oude  were 
gone.  Our  servants  were  deserting.  Sir  Henry  felt  that 
he  must  endeavour  to  take  the  initiative ;  and  yet  he  was 
afraid  to  weaken  the  garrison  too  much,  or  venture  too  far 
away,  lest  he  should  endanger  one  or  both  of  the  positions 
we  were  holding.  ..." 

The  disaster  was  great,  but  the  enterprise  was  not  one 
foredoomed  to  failure.  A  soldier  who  never  takes  risks 
is  rarely  of  much  service  to  his  country,  and — so  close  lie 
failure  and  success — had  the  rations  been  served  out  to  the 
Europeans,  as  ordered  by  Sir  Henry,  the  effect  of  Chinhut 
might  have  been  to  have  delayed  the  investment  of  the 
Residency,  to  have  damped  the  ardour  of  the  pandies 
throughout  Oudh,  and  so  have  rendered  Havelock's 
advance  more  easy — the  objects  he  had  in  view.  In  the 
confusion  his  instructions  had  been  disregarded,  and, 
under  the  deadly  rays  of  the  midsummer  sun,  the  Europeans, 
without  their  "  coffee,  biscuits,  and  rum,"  were  rapidly 
demoralised  so  that  they  could  neither  march  nor  fight. 
The  mutineers  had  engaged  reluctantly,  assured  of  defeat, 
but  observing  the  pitiable  state  of  the  32nd,  they  joyously 
rose  to  the  occasion,  and  charged  upon  their  opponents 
with  an  ardour  equalling  their  former  prowess  under 
British  officers.  Many  of  the  irregular  horse  and  artillery 
deserted  to  the  rebels,  two  guns  were  purposely  overturned 
and  put  out  of  action,  the  32nd  were  swept  away,  and 
though  the  loyal  sepoy  regulars  and  the  handful  of 
European  volunteer  cavalry  strove  manfully  to  retrieve 
the  day,  they  were  compelled  to  retire,  hopelessly  defeated. 


Siege  of  Lucknow  293 

Sir  Henry  did  all  that  man  could  do  to  turn  disaster  into 
victory,  and,  when  all  hope  of  this  had  fled,  to  save  his 
retreating  soldiers  from  annihilation,  bluffing  the  triumphant 
rebels  back  from  their  prey  with  lighted  portfire  above 
an  empty,  useless  gun.  "  Throughout  that  terrible  day, 
during  the  conflict,  and  when  all  was  lost,  and  retreat 
became  all  but  a  rout,  and  men  were  falling  fast,  he  dis- 
played the  utmost  calmness  and  decision ;  and  as  with 
his  hat  off,  he  sat  on  his  horse  on  the  Kokrail  bridge,  rallying 
our  men  for  a  last  stand,  himself  a  distinct  mark  for  the 
enemy's  skirmishers,  he  seemed  to  bear  a  charmed  life."1 
He  led  the  remnant  of  the  force  into  the  Residency  and 
the  enemy  closed  around  them. 

Hitherto  the  English  had  held  three  positions  in  Lucknow 
— the  cantonment  across  the  river,  the  Muchi  Bawn,  and 
the  Residency.  The  cantonment  was  now  lost  to  them  and 
the  reduced  garrison  was  no  longer  strong  enough  to  hold 
the  Muchi  Bawn.  An  emergency  code  of  signalling 
between  this  palace  and  the  Residency  had  been  arranged, 
and,  on  July  1,  Lawrence  gave  orders  for  the  with- 
drawal of  the  troops  at  midnight,  while  he  made  a  feint 
to  cover  the  retirement,  a  most  hazardous  undertaking 
carried  out  with  entire  success.  The  famous  siege  of  the 
Lucknow  Residency 2  had  begun. 

On  the  day  preceding  the  withdrawal  of  the  Muchi 
Bawn  garrison  a  shell  had  entered  the  room  in  which  the 
Chief  Commissioner  was  working  and  had  burst  harmlessly 
between  him  and  his  secretary.  His  friends  implored  him 
to  occupy  a  less  exposed  portion  of  the  building,  but,  as  he 
had  chosen  the  room  because  its  position  enabled  him  to 
overlook  the  operations,  he  laughingly  made  answer  that 
"  he  did  not  believe  the  enemy  had  an  artilleryman  good 

1  Colonel  Wilson's  narrative. 

2  The  term  Residency  here  comprehends  the  official  buildings  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Resident's  house — practically  the  English 
quarter  of  the  town. 


294        The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

enough  to  put  another  shell  into  that  small  room."  Early 
next  morning,  July  2,  he  had  retired  to  this  room  a  few 
hours  after  the  safe  entry  of  the  Muchi  Bawn  troops, 
and,  being  greatly  exhausted,  he  lay  on  a  couch  attended 
by  his  nephew,  George  Lawrence,  and  by  Captain  Wilson. 
Wilson  was  submitting  a  manuscript  to  his  chief,  when 
l"  the  fatal  shot  came:  a  sheet  of  flame,  a  terrific  report 
and  shock,  and  dense  darkness,  is  all  I  can  describe.  I  fell 
down  on  the  floor,  and  perhaps  for  a  few  seconds  was  quite 
stunned ;  and  then  got  up,  but  could  see  nothing  for  the 
smoke  and  dust.  Neither  Sir  Henry  nor  his  nephew  made 
any  noise,  and  in  great  alarm  I  cried  out,  '  Sir  Henry,  are 
you  hurt  ?  '  Twice  I  thus  called  out  without  any  answer. 
The  third  time  he  said  in  a  low  tone,  '  I  am  killed.'  The 
punkah  had  come  down,  and  the  ceiling,  and  a  great  deal 
of  the  plaster,  and  the  dust  and  smoke  was  so  great  that 
it  was  some  minutes  before  I  could  see  anything ;  but  as  it 
gradually  cleared  away,  I  saw  the  white  coverlid  of  the 
bed  on  which  Sir  Henry  was  laid  was  crimson  with  his 
blood.  Some  soldiers  of  the  32nd  now  rushed  in,  and 
placed  Sir  Henry  in  a  chair." 

A  fragment  of  the  shell  had  struck  the  upper  part  of  the 
left  thigh,  almost  tearing  off  the  leg.  He  was  quickly 
removed  to  a  less  exposed  room,  and  the  doctor,  in  reply 
to  the  pressing  and  repeated  question,  "  How  long  have  I 
to  live?  "  could  give  him  hope  of  forty-eight  hours  only. 
The  officers  of  the  garrison  gathered  round  the  bedside 
to  receive  their  beloved  master's  last  instructions.  He 
appointed  Major  Banks  his  successor  to  the  Chief  Com- 
missionership  and  Colonel  Inglis  to  the  command  of  the 
troops,  and  while  he  lingered  in  pain,  pity  for  the  English 
women  and  children,  exposed  to  so  great  danger,  suffering, 
and  privation,  prevailed  over  every  other  sentiment.  He 
had  no  commiseration  to  spare  for  himself. 
1  Wilson's  narrative. 


Siege  of  Lucknow  295 

Even  the  despised  native  servants  were  remembered 
and  rewarded  and  brought  in  to  receive  their  master's 
blessing. 

"  .  .  .  He  also  sent  for  all  those,"  said  his  nephew, 
"  whom  he  thought  he  had  ever,  though  unintentionally, 
injured,  or  even  spoken  harshly  to,  and  asked  their  for- 
giveness. His  bed  was  surrounded  by  old  friends  and 
new  friends,  and  there  were  few  dry  eyes  there."  "... 
Of  himself,"  wrote  the  doctor  who  attended  him,1  "  he 
spoke  most  affectingly  and  humbly,  ignoring  his  own  great 
merits,  and  dwelling  on  what  he  thought  his  own  short- 
comings." 

His  last  injunctions  to  the  garrison  were:  "  No  surren- 
der !  Let  every  man  die  at  his  post ;  but  never  make 
terms."  2 

"  Reserve  fire.  Check  all  wall  firing.  Carefully  register 
ammunition  for  guns  and  small  arms  in  store.  Carefully 
register  daily  expenditure  as  far  as  possible."  "  Entrench, 
entrench,  entrench."  He  asked  that  on  his  tomb  should 
be  inscribed  the  simple  epitaph :  ' '  Here  lies  Henry  Law- 
rence, who  tried  to  do  his  duty,"  and  he  expressed  the 
hope  that  the  Government  would  take  care  of  the  Lawrence 
Asylums. 

On  the  morning  of  July  4  he  died,  and  when  the  sun 
had  gone  down  he  was  buried  in  the  Residency  grounds ; 
and  as  the  soldiers  filed  into  the  room  to  bear  the  body  to 
the   grave,    each   man   stepped   forward   and,    lifting   the 

1  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  p.  376. 
2  "  Never  surrender,  I  charge  you,  but  every  man  die  at  his  post!  " 
Voice  of  the  dead  whom  we  loved,  our  Lawrence  the  best  of  the 

brave : 
Cold  were  his  brows  when  we  kiss'd  him — we  laid  him  that  night  in 

his  grave. 
"  Every  man  die  at  his  post !  "  and  there  hail'd  on  our  houses  and  halls 
Death  from  their  rifle-bullets,  and  death  from  their  cannon-balls, 
Death  in  our  innermost  chamber,  and  death  at  our  slight  barricade, 
Death  while  we  stood  with  the  musket,  and  death  while  we  stoop't 

to  the  spade. 


296         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

coverlet,  reverently  kissed  the  cold  forehead  of  him  whom 
all  loved  and  honoured — the  tribute  he  would  most  have 
prized. 

Henry  Lawrence  was  dead,  and  strong  men  wept  when 
they  heard  the  news.  Englishmen  who  had  never  met 
him  went  about  heavily,  mourning  as  for  a  dear  friend, 
and  the  grief  of  the  loyal  natives  was  hardly  less  real. 
"  Of  all  men  in  India,"  wrote  the  Governor-General,  "  he 
is  the  one  whose  loss  is  least  reparable  at  this  moment," 
and  "  amongst  those  who  have  nobly  perished  in  this 
protracted  struggle,  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  will  occupy  the 
first  place  in  the  thoughts  of  his  fellow-countrymen.  .  .  . 
The  name  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  can  never  rise  up  without 
calling  forth  a  tribute  of  honour  and  admiration  from  all 
who  knew  him." 

"  What  a  blow  it  is!  "  Edwardes  wrote  to  his  wife.1 
"  What  widespread  sorrow  it  will  bring!  It  is  like  a  good 
king  dying.  It  is  wonderful  what  a  number  of  hearts  loved 
him,  at  home  and  here,  black  as  well  as  white.  You  know 
what  we  of  his  old  staff  will  feel  about  it.  He  was  our 
master,  friend,  example,  all  in  one ;  a  father  to  us  in  the 
great  earnest  public  life  to  which  he  led  us  forth.   ..." 

"  It  would  be  selfish  to  wish  it  otherwise,"  the  same 
disciple  wrote  to  Nicholson;  "  for  what  a  change  for  him, 
after  his  long  battle  of  life,  his  restless  strife  for  the  benefit 
of  others — the  State,  the  army,  the  native  Princes,  the 
native  people,  the  prisoners  in  gaol,  the  children  of  the 
English  soldiery,  and  all  that  were  poor  and  all  that  were 
down.  .  .  .  Fine,  brave  old  fellow !  he  has  fought  his 
fight,  and  won  his  victory,  and  now  let  him  lay  his  armour 
down  and  rest.  .  .  .  His  last  act  at  Lahore  was  to  kneel 
down  with  his  dear  wife,  and  pray  for  the  success  of  John's 
administration." 

"  If  it  please  Providence  that  I  live  through  this  business," 
1  Memorials  of  Sir  H.  B.  Edwardes,  vol.  ii.  p.  29. 


Siege  of  Lucknow  297 

Nicholson  replied,  "  you  must  get  me  alongside  of  you  again, 
and  be  my  guide  and  help  in  endeavouring  to  follow  his 
example ;  for  I  am  so  weak  and  unstable  that  I  shall  never 
do  any  good  of  myself.  I  should  like  to  write  you  a  long 
letter,  but  I  cannot  manage  it.  .  .  .  God  be  with  you,  dear 
Edwardes." 

"  All  men  loved  him,"  said  Kaye,1  "  because  he  loved 
all  men.  .  .  .  And  many,  perhaps,  will  say  that  they  do 
not  quite  know  why  of  all  men,  of  whom  they  had  ever 
read  in  Indian  history,  he  seemed  to  be  the  flower;  but 
that  they  cannot  help  feeling  it."  "  Than  his,"  wrote 
Colonel  Malleson,2  who  completed  the  great  work  that 
Kaye  did  not  live  to  finish,  "it  is  difficult  to  imagine  a 
purer,  a  more  unselfish,  a  more  blameless,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  more  useful  life."  3"No  Englishman  who  has 
been  in  India  has  ever  influenced  other  men  so  much  for 
good  .  .  .  nobody  has  ever  been  so  beloved,  nobody 
has  ever  deserved  to  be  so  beloved,  as  Sir  Henry  Lawrence." 

A  fortnight  after  the  hero  of  Lucknow  had  been  laid  in 
his  grave,  the  Home  Government,  on  receipt  of  the  news 
of  the  crisis,  appointed  Henry  Lawrence  Provisional 
Governor-General  of  India  "  on  the  death,  resignation, 
or  coming  away  of  Viscount  Canning,"  an  honour  that  had 
never  before  been  paid  to  an  officer  of  the  Company's  army. 

The  triumphant  story  of  the  Defence  of  Lucknow  is 
known  to  every  one.  "  It  was  Henry  Lawrence's  foresight, 
humanly  speaking,"  said  one  of  the  defenders,4  "  that 
saved  every  one  of  the  garrison.  But  for  him  I  do  not 
believe  that  one  would  have  escaped."  This  judgment 
is  confirmed  by  the  most  distinguished  member  of  the 
army  that  broke  through  the  investing  forces  and  brought 

1  The  Sepoy  War,  vol.  iii.  pp.  519-520. 

2  The  Indian  Mutiny,  vol.  i.  p.  437. 

3  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  336. 

4  Lives  of  Indian  Officers,  vol.  ii.  p.  328. 


29H         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

out  the  heroic  garrison.1  "  The  contemplation  of  the 
defence  of  Lucknovv,  and  the  realisation  of  the  noble 
qualities  it  called  forth  in  the  defenders,  cannot  but  excite 
in  the  breast  of  every  British  man  and  woman,  as  it  did 
in  mine,  feelings  of  pride  and  admiration.  But  what 
impressed  me  more  than  even  the  glorious  defence  was 
the  foresight  and  ability  of  the  man  who  made  the  defence 
possible." 

The  preservation  of  the  English  residents  and  garrison 
of  Lucknow  was  the  happy  outcome  of  that  "  foresight 
and  ability,"  but  we  must  look  beyond  to  gauge  the  far- 
reaching  military  importance  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence's 
efficiency  and  promptness  to  act.  Not  only  was  the 
prestige  of  England  upheld  in  the  stronghold  of  the  pandies, 
but  an  overwhelming  concentration  of  the  rebels  at  Delhi 
was  made  impossible.  Had  Lucknow  been  unprepared, 
a  swarm  of  victory-flushed  sepoys  would  have  been  let 
loose  from  Oudh,  and  the  little  army  on  the  Delhi  Ridge 
must  have  been  swept  away.  The  Punjab  could  not  then 
have  stood  the  strain. 

Five  years  before  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  had  left  the 
Punjab  for  ever,  believing  that  his  work  there  was  ended; 
but  his  last  achievement  was  to  co-operate  with  his  brother 
in  the  crowning  triumph  of  the  province. 

1  Lord  Roberts,  Forty-One  Years  in  India,  vol.  i.  p.  349. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

{September  1857 -December  1858) 

JOHN    LAWRENCE    SAVES    INDIA 

Nicholson's  Last  Fight — Effect  of  the  Capture  of  Delhi — John 
Lawrence  raises  the  Khalsa  to  Life — He  appeals  for  Mercy  in 
the  Hour  of  Victory — Edwardes'  Elimination  of  all  Unchristian 
Principles  Memorandum. 

"  We  have  sent  every  man  we  could  spare — perhaps  more," 
Sir  John  Lawrence  wrote  to  Lord  Canning  on  September 
6.  "  We  have  raised  for  them  Pioneers,  Infantry, 
Cavalry.  Nothing  that  we  could  think  of  has  been  wanting. 
Even  the  sand-bags  for  their  batteries  have  been  made  up 
and  sent  down."  The  heavy  siege-train  from  Ferozepore 
had  reinforced  Wilson's  army,  and  its  march  down  had 
given  Nicholson  the  opportunity  to  win  one  of  his  most 
brilliant  fights.  Having  heard  that  the  Delhi  rebels  had 
despatched  two  large  forces  to  waylay  the  siege-train,  he 
had  moved  out  swiftly  with  his  irresistible  column,  and  at 
Najafgarh  had  struck  one  of  the  heaviest  blows  of  the  war. 
"  I  wish  I  had  the  power  of  knighting  you  on  the  spot," 
wrote  Sir  John. 

Richard  Lawrence  had  brought  into  camp  two  thousand 
men  from  Kashmir,  raised  by  Gulab  Singh  and  sent  down 
by  his  son  and  successor.  "  Dick's  Rosebuds  " — to  quote 
his  brother's  term — were  hardly  "  first-class  fighting  men," 
but  their  presence  on  the  British  side  was  evidence  that  the 
Kashmir  raja,  whose  unerring  instinct  for  his  own  interests 
had  been  notorious,  had,  before  he  died,  decided  to  "  put 
his  money  "  on  the  English  horse. 

299 


300         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

At  the  suggestion  of  Edwardes,  the  Chief  Commissioner 
had  raised  from  the  ranks  of  the  canal  workmen  a  strong 
regiment  of  Mazbi  Sikhs l  to  act  as  sappers  and  miners 
under  Baird  Smith  and  Alexander  Taylor,  and  he  had  no 
difficulty  in  enrolling  more  than  a  thousand  men.  The 
Kuki-Kheyls,  one  of  the  most  truculent  Pathan  tribes, 
actually  brought  to  Edwardes  the  full  amount  of  a  murder- 
fine  which  they  had  refused  to  pay  when  the  English  power 
was  still  unshaken,  and  there  were  other  unmistakable 
signs  that  the  outlook  was  brightening,  and  that  a  feeling 
in  favour  of  the  English  now  prevailed,  a  feeling  impalpable 
and  elusive  perhaps,  but  none  the  less  of  good  omen. 

Nicholson  was  known  in  the  Delhi  Field  Force  as  "  The 
Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias,"  but  the  name  was  used  in  no 
disapproving  sense,  for  the  hero-worshipping  instincts  of 
the  soldiery  were  concentrated  upon  him.  His  presence 
there  was  worth  far  more  than  "  the  wing  of  a  regiment," 
the  value  at  which  he  had  once  been  assessed  by  the  Chief 
Commissioner,  who  was  now  in  constant  communication 
with  him.  Sir  John  knew  the  city  intimately  from  the 
Delhi  Gate  to  the  Water  Bastion,  and  as  it  was  understood 
that  Nicholson  was  to  have  command  of  the  storming- 
columns,  he  placed  his  local  knowledge  at  the  service  of 
the  brigadier,  who  was  too  good  a  soldier  to  despise  such 
aid,  even  from  a  civilian.  "  Should  your  Brigade  go  in  at 
the  Kashmir  Gate,"  Lawrence  wrote,2  "  recollect  that  when 
you  once  pass  the  Octagon  inside,  you  come  to  an  open 
space  in  which  the  church  stands.  In  advance  of  this  open 
ground  are  two  streets  which  lead  onwards  into  the  town. 

1  The  title  Mazbi  (Religious)  Sikhs  was  granted  by  Govind  Singh 
to  an  outcaste  tribe  that  had  rescued  the  corpse  of  his  father,  Teg 
Bahadur,  from  the  Mohammedans.  They  are  very  proud  of  the  con- 
cession, and,  though  of  aboriginal  descent,  have  proved  themselves 
almost  equal  to  the  Jat  Sikhs  as  fighting-men.  Since  1857  the 
Punjab  pioneer  regiments  have  been  largely  recruited  from  this 
caste. 

2  Life  of  Lord  Lawrence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  104-105. 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  301 

If  you  secure  both  houses,  viz.,  Hamid  Ali  Khan's  and 
Skinner's — you  command  both  streets  and  are  quite  safe 
from  a  sudden  attack,  and  in  the  open  space  I  would 
counsel  that  you  reform  your  men  and  get  in  your  guns 
and  advance  with  deliberation.  After  passing  the  old 
Residency,  lately  the  College,  you  come  to  the  old  magazine 
and  then  over  a  bridge  in  the  canal  to  the  Palace.  From 
the  ground  in  front  of  the  College  and  Magazine,  which 
is  higher  than  Selimghur,  you  could  shell  the  Palace  with 
great  advantage,  while,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection, 
guns  from  neither  Selimghur  nor  the  Palace  could  touch 
you.  .  .  . 

"  But  if  the  town  holds  out,  and  the  mutineers  occupy 
the  houses,  we  should  seize  the  Jumma  Musjid  and  the 
other  mosque  in  the  Chandni  Chouk,  which  will  serve  as  a 
fortress  for  our  troops.  The  Lahore  Gate  of  the  City  leads 
down  the  Chandni  Chouk  to  the  Palace.  It  is  some  eighty 
feet  wide.  Secure  this  street  and  the  Jumma  Musjid,  and 
the  mutineers  cannot  maintain  themselves." 

Nicholson's  letters  expressed  much  impatience  and 
dissatisfaction  with  General  Wilson's  want  of  decision, 
and  he  even  hinted  at  the  possibility  of  a  step  too  drastic 
to  have  been  contemplated  by  any  other  man.  This  was 
no  less  than  an  appeal  to  the  army  to  depose  the  command- 
ing officer,  but,  happily,  Wilson  adopted  in  time  the  urgent 
advice  of  his  engineers,  with  whose  plans  Nicholson  was  in 
accord.  No  longer  hampered  by  the  vacillation  of  their 
general,  Baird  Smith  and  Alexander  Taylor  pushed 
forward  their  siege-works,  and  constructed  heavy  batteries 
almost  under  the  shadow  of  the  Delhi  walls.  Brind  and 
Tombs  and  their  gunners  seconded  the  exertions  of  the 
engineers,  and  on  September  14,  after  a  few  days'  bombard- 
ment, Delhi  was  stormed.  The  sepoys  defended  the  town 
obstinately,  and  John  Nicholson  fell,  mortally  wounded, 
while    rallying    his    men.     Hard    righting    continued    for 

u 


302         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

several  days,  but  on  September  20  the  British  flag  was 
seen  above  the  Imperial  Palace,  and  Delhi  was  won. 

During  the  defence  of  the  Ridge  and  the  storming  of 
Delhi  many  heroic  deeds  were  recorded  and  still  more 
passed  unnoticed,  but  the  credit  for  the  victory  which  broke 
the  back  of  the  Mutiny  belongs  essentially  to  four  men — 
to  Sir  John  Lawrence,  who  had,  from  the  first,  brought  all 
his  rare  energy  to  bear  upon  this  consummation;  to  John 
Nicholson,  the  brilliant  soldier  and  inspired  leader  of  men ; 
to  Colonel  Baird  Smith,  the  engineer,  who,  while  broken 
down  in  health,  planned  the  operations  that  prepared  the 
way  for  the  assault;  and  to  Lieutenant  Taylor,1  the 
executive  engineer,  who  carried  out  the  work  so  thoroughly 
— of  whom  Nicholson  had  said:  "HI  survive  to-morrow, 
I  will  let  all  the  world  know  that  it  was  Alec  Taylor  who 
took  Delhi." 

Mutiny  reeled  from  the  blow.  As  the  loot  from  the  Delhi 
palaces  began  to  pass  through  their  villages,  the  Punjabis, 
who  had  refused  to  credit  the  rumours,  no  longer  doubted 
which  cause  to  espouse.  "  x\ll  last  night,"  wrote  Edwardes, 
"  from  sunset  to  sunrise,  Peshawur  was  a  blaze  of  brilliant 
lamps  and  fireworks.  .  .  .  Every  single  house,  large  or 
small,  in  every  street  and  lane  was  a  mass  of  lamps."  The 
demonstration  was  native  and  spontaneous.  "  Well,  we 
have  read  of  revolutions,  and  empires,"  said  an  old  Pesha- 
wari,  noted  for  his  bitterness  against  the  English,  "  but  we 
admit  that  never  yet  was  such  a  spectacle  seen,  as  so  small 

1  In  June,  Taylor  was  still  at  work  on  the  Grand  Trunk  Road,  not 
far  from  Rawul  Pindi,  until  one  day  Mr.  Thornton,  the  Commissioner, 
chanced  to  say,  "  Why,  Taylor,  you  ought  to  be  at  Delhi,  working 
in  the  trenches  instead  of  on  this  road!  "  "I  would  give  my  eyes 
to  be  there,"  Taylor  answered.  "  But  my  work  is  here,  and  I  do 
not  think  it  right  to  volunteer."  Struck  by  the  reply  Thornton 
rode  off  to  report  it  to  his  chief.  "  Send  him,"  said  Sir  John,  and 
Thornton  rode  back  to  inform  Taylor  that  John  Lawrence  had 
ordered  him  to  Delhi.  "  Looking  round  to  some  one  who  was  near, 
Taylor  said,  quite  simply,  '  Have  you  got  a  sword?  '  "  and  set  off 
on  his  700-mile  ride. — Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  10. 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  303 

a  handful  of  foreigners  maintaining  such  an  empire  against 
its  own  army  and  not  yielding  a  foot  of  territory  to  anyone."1 

Peshawar  and  the  Derajat  had  already  proved  an 
excellent  recruiting  field,  and  the  news  supplied  a  stimulus 
to  enlistment.  Edwardes  confessed,  at  the  risk  of  damaging 
the  character  of  his  district,  that  "  crime  was  never  so  rare 
in  the  Valley  as  during  this  crisis,"  for  all  the  outlaws  had 
gone  down  to  fight  the  "  black  men."  One  troop  alone 
contained  sixty  of  these  brigands,  and  the  chieftain  that 
raised  it  expressed  the  general  opinion  that,  "  Whether 
they  kill  the  poorbeahs  or  the  poorbeahs  kill  them,  it  will 
be  an  equal  service  to  the  State."  And  now  the  Sikhs 
of  the  Man j ha  hesitated  no  longer.  They  had  played  a 
waiting  game,  cherishing  the  hope  that  when  the  English 
should  be  exterminated  by  "  John  Pandy,"  who,  greatly 
weakened  in  the  process,  would  fall  an  easy  victim  to 
"  John  Singh,"  the  re-animated  Khalsa  would  be  the 
dominating  power  in  Hindustan.  Though  they  did  not  at 
once  abandon  hope,  they  changed  their  plans.  They  were 
now  willing  to  receive  English  arms,  equipment,  and  train- 
ing, and  to  march  against  the  poorbeah,  confident  that, 
when  Englishman  and  Hindustani,  worn  out  by  the  long 
death-struggle,  should  have  exhausted  all  their  resources, 
they  alone  in  India  would  be  left  strong  and  ambitious 
But  one  factor  had  been  overlooked.  "  An  army  from 
England  never  entered  our  calculations."  2 

For  eight  years  the  Khalsa  had  been  languishing ;  the 
Sikh  women  had  tired  of  the  sterner  religion  and  were  fast 
reverting  to  the  more  attractive  rites  of  Hinduism,  dragging 
the  men  after  them.  The  eight  years  of  peace  in  the  Pun- 
jab had  devastated  the  ranks  of  the  "  Disciples  "  in  a  far 
more  thorough  manner  than  had  the  bloody  wars  of  1846 

1  Memorials  of  Sir  H.  B.  Edwardes. 

2  Meditations  of  a  Sikh  Soldier,  written  to  the  Friend  of  India, 
"  in  remembrance  of  the  English  boy  who  saved  my  life  at  fatal 
Gujerat." 


304         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

and  1849,  f°r  Sikhism  is  essentially  a  militant  religion. 
But  now  "  with  one  word  Sir  John  Lawrence  recalled  the 
Khalsa  to  life.  The  machinery  by  which  Ran  jit  Singh 
had  created  armies  was  set  in  motion  by  British  hands  and 
thousands  of  Jats  and  stalwart  men  flocked  to  the  scene. 
More  rapidly  than  the  sacred  pahul  [the  Sikh  initiation 
ceremony]  could  be  administered,  came  these  new  converts, 
thirsting  for  the  spoil  of  Delhi  and  Hindustan.  Priests 
grew  fat,  and  the  tramp  of  armed  men  resounded  through 
the  land,  recalling  to  mind  the  good  old  times.  Sikhs  were 
manufactured  just  because  Sikhs  were  in  demand,  and 
during  three  years  there  seemed  no  limit  save  our  will  to  the 
supply."  x  Under  British  officers  they  poured  down  the 
Grand  Trunk  Road  towards  Agra,  Cawnpore,  and  Lucknow, 
and  at  Fatehghar  they  found  the  English  army  from  over 
the  seas,  and  the  vision  of  a  more  powerful  Khalsa  faded 
away. 

The  part  played  by  the  Sikhs  during  the  Mutiny  crisis 
has  been  largely  misunderstood,  and  far  too  much  credit 
has  been  given  to  them  for  an  enthusiastic  loyalty  that  was 
never  theirs,  owing  to  the  practice  of  classing  all  Punjabis 
indiscriminately  as  Sikhs — a  short  and  easy  but  misleading 
term.  The  protected  Sikh  princes  were  gloriously  loyal 
throughout,  but,  when  the  British  were  weakest,  the  men 
that  responded  to  the  call  of  John  Lawrence  and  his 
lieutenants  were  mostly  Punjabi  Mussulmans — men  of 
Hindu  descent,  whose  forefathers  had  been  forcibly  con- 
verted— Pathan  and  Baluchi  tribesmen  from  the  Multan 
district  and  from  the  Afghan  border,  and  Hindu  Jats,  who 
chose  to  call  themselves  Sikhs  in  time  of  war.     The  Sikhs 

1  Elasticity  of  the  Sikh  People,  by  the  old  Sikh  quoted  above. 
He  was  mistaken,  however,  in  supposing  that  there  was  no  check 
on  the  enlistment  of  Sikhs,  for  Sir  John  Lawrence  was  armed  against 
the  peril.  "  It  strikes  me,"  he  wrote  to  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  "  that 
there  is  some  danger  that  our  officers,  in  their  horror  of  John  Pandy, 
may  go  into  the  other  extreme  and  make  too  much  of  John  Singh." 


A   SIKH   OF  THE   MANJHA. 
RISALDAR   GURMUKH    SINGH,   3rd  Punjab  Cavalry. 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  305 

in  the  Punjab  regiments  remained  loyal  and  fought  sturdily 
on  the  English  side,  but  their  loyalty  was  local  and  did  not 
extend  beyond  their  own  officers,  and  not  more  than  a  few 
hundred  strict  Singhs  enlisted  until  the  English  star  was 
in  the  ascendant. 

It  cannot  therefore  be  said  that  the  Sikhs  were  loyal 
through  love  of  the  Lawrences.  A  number  of  their  chief 
men,  no  doubt,  were  actuated  by  affection  and  gratitude, 
and  loyalty  is  contagious;  but  the  Sikh  is  a  calculating 
man,  and  before  committing  himself  to  either  side  he  wished 
to  make  sure  which  would  pay  best.  But  it  was  certainly 
due  to  the  Lawrence  influence  and  prestige  that  the  Khalsa 
did  not  rise  against  the  alien  rulers,  that,  though  the  Sikhs 
were  not  reconciled  to  their  fallen  state,  there  was  no 
active  discontent  of  which  the  intriguer  could  take 
advantage  to  excite  the  passions  and  appeal  to  the  pre- 
judices of  the  peasantry. 

It  was,  however,  well  that  the  capture  of  Delhi  was  not 
dela\'ed,  even  for  a  few  days,  for  the  Punjab  was  barely 
able  to  endure  the  strain.  In  the  Murree  hills  the  tension 
snapped  even  while  the  guns  were  battering  down  the 
Delhi  ramparts,  and  a  more  formidable  insurrection  broke 
out  in  the  province  of  Multan  on  the  day  that  the  rebel 
stronghold  was  stormed.  The  Murree  rising  was  easily 
suppressed,  thanks  to  the  early  information  obtained  by 
Lady  Lawrence  who  was  there  with  her  children ;  but 
the  revolt  at  Gugara,  midway  between  Lahore  and  Multan, 
spread  rapidly,  and  the  flame  was  fanned  by  the  powerful 
Nawab  of  Bahawalpur,  a  large  state  to  the  south-east  of  the 
Multan  province.  Hitherto  loyal  in  protestations,  he  now 
decided  that  the  time  had  come  to  unmask,  and  he  was 
already  intriguing  with  the  chiefs  of  the  rebellious  tribes 
when  the  news  arrived  that  Delhi  had  fallen.  With  a 
promptitude  equalling  that  displayed  by  the  immortal 
Mr,  Collins  in  acting  upon  Mr,  Bennet's  advice  to  stand 


306         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

by  him  who  had  most  to  give,  the  nawab  again  turned  his 
coat  and  arrested  the  ringleaders.  Though  saved  from 
ruin  by  his  second  act  of  treachery,  his  subsequent  attempts 
to  conciliate  John  Lawrence  were  in  vain. 

The  rebels  still  overran  Oudh  and  the  North-West 
Provinces,  but  that  Union  Jack,  floating  over  the  Imperial 
Palace,  set  the  minds  of  loyal  men  at  rest.  The  fighting 
might  be  prolonged  indefinitely,  but  final  victory  was  now 
assured  to  the  British  arms.  On  all  sides  John  Lawrence 
was  acclaimed  "  The  Saviour  of  India,"  and  the  recognition 
of  his  services  was  instant  and  universal  and  unanimous. 

"  It  is  not  our  system,  it  is  our  men,"  said  he,  and, 
without  doubt,  he  owed  the  completeness  of  his  success  to 
the  officials  whom  he  and  his  brother  had  trained.  But 
of  all  the  tributes  paid  to  him  as  the  foremost  figure  of  the 
Mutiny  year  none  was  more  hearty,  none  rang  more  true, 
than  those  of  his  subordinates,  who — had  it  been  possible 
to  their  nature- — might  with  some  justice  have  asked  what 
John  Lawrence  could  have  done  without  their  aid.  But 
loyalty  was  in  the  air  of  the  Punjab,  and  they  were  proud 
to  shine  with  the  reflection  of  their  chief's  glory. 

Some  of  them  had  never  become  quite  reconciled  to  the 
change  of  masters ;  they  had  looked  upon  John  as  the 
usurper  of  his  brother's  throne,  and  had — in  the  words  of 
Edwardes — "  looked  for  the  day  when  the  king  shall  enjoy 
his  own  again."  They  respected  and  admired  the  strong, 
silent,  just  man  who  was  now  their  leader,  but  the  fascina- 
tion of  the  elder  brother  had  brought  out  other  sentiments 
than  those  of  respect  and  admiration.  A  glance  from 
him,  a  word  of  praise— even  of  rebuke — and  he  had  gained 
another  worshipper,  whereas  intimacy  was  needed  to  change 
into  affection  the  respect  that  all  men  felt  for  John.  But 
when  the  need  arose  he  proved  that  he  could  lead  as  well 
as  drive,  could  be  tactful  and  patient  as  well  as  firm  and 
stern,  could  stimulate  and  inspire  as  well  as  impel,  and  in 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  307 

the  year  1857  he  won  the  affection  of  the  most  loyal  of  his 
brother's  champions,  so  that  none  grudged  him  his  meed  of 
praise.  On  the  day  that  the  news  arrived  in  Peshawar 
Edwardes  wrote  to  him:  "  Sincerely  do  I  congratulate 
you  on  this  great  success  which  has  crowned  your  efforts 
for  the  last  four  months.  Not  a  bayonet  or  a  rupee  has 
reached  Delhi  from  Calcutta  or  England.  It  was  been 
recovered  by  you  and  your  resources  with  God's  blessing." 

To  this  Lawrence  replied:  "Few  men,  in  a  similar 
position,  have  had  so  many  true  and  good  supporters 
around  him.     But  for  them  what  could  I  have  done?  " 

Other  prominent  soldiers  and  civilians  wrote  to  him  to 
the  same  effect  —that  he  was  the  man  that  had  handled  the 
ship  through  the  storm,  steered  it  through  the  shoals,  and 
brought  it  into  port,  and  the  Governor-General's  official 
report  records  that,  "  Through  him  Delhi  fell,  and  the 
Punjab,  no  longer  a  weakness,  became  a  source  of  strength." 

In  a  letter  of  warm  congratulation  Lord  Dalhousie  wrote 
from  Malta:  "...  I  would  to  God  that  your  brother 
Henry  had  lived  to  enjoy  the  honours  which  would,  un- 
doubtedly, have  been  accorded  to  him,  and  to  share  with 
your  friends  the  pleasure  which  his  warm  and  generous 
heart  would  have  especially  felt  in  witnessing  the  dis- 
tinction you  were  earning  for  yourself,  side  by  side  with 
him.  But  he  rests  in  the  death  he  would  himself  have 
wished  to  die,  and  his  name  will  long  live  after  him."  ] 

Sir  John  replied:  "...  My  poor  brother  Henry  died 
nobly  at  his  post.  To  his  intelligence  and  foresight  the 
whole  of  the  Lucknow  garrison  owe  their  lives.  Nothing 
but  these  precautions  could  have  enabled  our  people  to 
make  the  stand  they  have  done.  ..." 

But  when  congratulations  were  being  showered  upon 
him,  when  his  praises  were  being  chanted  through  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  Sir  John  Lawrence  was 
1  "Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  pp.  183-185, 


308         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

content  to  have  tried  to  do  his  duty,  and  he  gave  God  the 
praise  that  his  work  had  not  been  in  vain.  The  Lawrences 
and  their  Punjabis  "  present  the  one  conspicuous  instance 
in  Indian  history  of  a  body  of  British  rulers  and  officers 
going  to  work  definitely  as  Christian  men  .  .  .  confessing 
Christ  before  the  world,"  ]  and  now,  in  Sir  John's  official 
report,  occur  these  words:  "To  Him  alone,  therefore,  be 
all  the  praise."  It  was  not  policy  that  saved  India,  said 
Montgomery — also  in  an  official  document — "  The  Lord 
our  God,  He  it  was." 

After  the  capture  of  Delhi,  the  city  and  district  were 
transferred  from  the  North-West  Provinces  and  placed 
under  the  Punjab  Administration,  and  another  burden  was 
added  to  the  load  already  borne  by  the  strong  and  willing 
horse.  For  four  months  he  had  spared  no  effort,  left 
nothing  undone,  to  compass  the  destruction  of  the  rebels 
in  Delhi.  Now  he  came  forward  as  the  pacificator. 
Deeply  religious — though  reserved  and  heroically  simple 
in  expression — he  aimed  at  establishing  the  policy  of 
the  conquerors  upon  Christian  principles,  that  European 
and  Asiatic  might  learn  to  forgive,  that  both  should  in 
time  come  to  regard  the  horrors  of  the  past  as  acts  of  frenzy 
rather  than  of  deliberate  cruelty.  The  ability  to  see  the 
other  side,  to  preserve  a  juster  balance,  generally  goes 
with  a  strong  sense  of  humour,  and  Sir  John  had  at  least 
as  much  sympathy  with,  and  pity  for,  the  sheep-like 
majority  of  the  mutineers  as  anger  against  them;  and 
though  he  would  not  spare  the  ringleaders,  he  stood  up 
and  spoke  out  for  mercy,  not  vengeance ;  he  preferred  to 
set,  rather  than  set  forth,  an  example. 

"  There  is  a  Judge  over  both  them  and  us,"  he  wrote  to 
the  Government.  "  Inasmuch  as  we  have  been  preserved 
from  impending  destruction  by  His  mercy  alone,  we  should 
be  merciful  to  others." 

1  The  History  of  the  Church  Missionary  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  201 . 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  309 

The  sepoys  and  budmashes  of  Delhi  had  fled  from  the 
city,  and  the  few  men  that  remained  had  probably  not  been 
actively  hostile.  But  they  were  brown  men,  "  niggers," 
whose  skins  bore  witness  against  them :  the  victors  had 
visited  the  scene  of  the  massacre  of  the  English  women  and 
children,  and,  during  that  delirium  of  retaliation,  all  that 
were  not  actually  fighting  on  the  English  side  were  held 
to  be  against  them,  passive  acquiescence  in  the  restoration 
of  the  Mogul  being  construed  as  active  hostility  to  the 
Government.  The  powers  of  life  and  death,  granted  to 
many  subordinate  officials,  had  been  abused ;  every 
"  nigger  "  was  either  a  participator  in  the  murders  or  an 
accomplice  after  the  act,  unless  he  could  demonstrate  his 
innocence.  The  onus  of  proof  was  upon  him,  not  upon  the 
prosecution. 

Sir  John's  powers  in  Delhi  were  limited,  and  he  could  not 
curtail  the  authority  granted  by  Government.  However, 
he  did  much  to  bring  about  a  better  state  of  things ;  he 
prevailed  upon  Lord  Canning  to  withdraw  this  power  from 
men  acting  alone,  and  insisted  that  the  evidence  in  every 
case  should  be  recorded,  and  that  weekly  returns  should  be 
submitted  to  him.  A  wild  cry  arose,  demanding  that  Delhi 
should  be  razed  to  the  ground,  that  its  site  should  be 
ploughed  up  and  sown  with  salt,  that  at  least  the  Jumma 
Musjid — the  noblest  Mussulman  temple  in  the  world — 
should  be  cast  down.  The  Chief  Commissioner  refused 
to  give  way,  would  not  be  turned  from  his  purpose  by 
clamour,  and  gave  command  that  the  holy  places  should  be 
spared.  He  interceded  for  the  inhabitants  who  had  fled 
from  Delhi,  and  advised  that  they  should  be  allowed  to 
return,  but  in  this  matter  the  majority  against  him  was  too 
strong.  The  Hindus  were  given  permission  to  return  after 
a  time,  but  the  Mohammedans  were  excluded  until  the  year 
1859. 

In  this  crusade  against  vengeance  Lord  Canning  gave 


310         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

him  unflinching  support.  The  popular  voice  in  England 
as  in  India  howled  for  punishment,  for  "  examples  " ; 
distorted  versions  of  the  sufficiently  horrible  tragedies  of 
Delhi  and  Cawnpore  were  granted  ready  credence,  and  the 
thoughtless  and  ill-balanced  clamoured  for  a  lesson  that 
would  strike  awe  into  the  breasts  of  the  children's  children. 
Those  who  had  done  least  to  uphold  their  country's  honour 
in  the  face  of  danger,  and  those  who  had  scouted  the 
warnings  and  scoffed  at  the  idea  of  any  attempt  by  the 
sepoys  to  overthrow  the  English  Raj,  were,  of  course, 
the  loudest.  "  Clemency  "  Canning  they  nick-named  the 
Governor-General,  because  he  declined  to  lose  his  head  in 
emulation  of  their  own  condition. 

Sir  John  also  urged  the  Governor-General  to  permit 
those  disarmed  sepoys,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  fight- 
ing, to  return  to  their  homes,  and  in  time  he  was  allowed 
to  use  his  own  discretion.  He  sent  them  off  from  the 
various  cantonments  in  batches  of  sixty  at  once,  and  so, 
in  the  Punjab  alone,  he  disposed  of  15,000  men  who, 
dangerous  combined,  were  harmless  in  their  own  villages. 
He  advised  Lord  Canning  to  grant  "  an  amnesty  in  favour 
of  the  least  guilty  of  the  mutineers.  ...  It  is  much  easier 
for  people  to  advocate  the  destruction  of  all  offenders  than 
to  show  how  this  can  be  effected.  Now  that  we  have  taken 
Delhi,  beaten  every  large  body  of  mutineers  in  the  field, 
and  are  prepared  to  enter  Oude  again  in  force,  we  should 
simplify  matters  much  if  we  issued  a  proclamation  declaring 
that  those  mutineers  who  have  not  murdered  their  officers, 
or  women  or  children,  and  who  gave  up  their  arms  shall  be 
allowed  to  go  to  their  homes  and  live  unmolested.  .  .  .  We 
could  then  deal  more  easily  with  the  desperate  characters. 
At  present,  all  are  held  together  from  the  very  desperation 
of  their  condition.  .  .  .  Still  we  should  not  altogether 
forget  that,  as  a  ruling  power,  we  have  also  our  short- 
comings and  want  of  foresight  to  answer  for,     We  placed 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  31  1 

temptation  and  opportunity  before  the  mutineers,  which 
it  was  difficult  to  resist.  .  .  ."  ' 

Unhappily  the  suggestion  was  not  taken  advantage  of 
until  much  harm  had  been  done. 

On  his  advice  the  princes  of  Patiala,  J  hind,  Nabha,  and 
Kapurthala  were  rewarded  with  grants  of  land  and 
honours,  and  those  sepoys  who  had  been  staunch  were 
all  remembered  by  him.2  Even  those  who  had  been  dis- 
armed, and  had  remained  passively  loyal  in  spite  of  the 
temptation  to  show  resentment,  were  not  forgotten.  To 
ensure  the  comfort  of  all  who  had  fought  and  suffered  for 
the  English  cause  he  spared  no  pains,  and  he  gave  sympathy 
and  help  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  fallen,  native 
as  well  as  European. 

In  spite  of  the  abnormal  demands  made  upon  his  reserve 
of  strength  during  the  four  months  of  the  siege  his  civil 
duties  were  never  left  to  take  care  of  themselves.  He  had 
carried  on  the  administration  of  the  province  with  almost 
as  great  efficiency  as  before  the  outbreak.  During  this 
period  he  had  seen  his  wife  once— a  stolen  visit 3 — and  now 
that  the  hot  season  and  the  danger  from  the  sepoys  had 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  176. 

2  "  Lambadar  Roostum  Khan  and  his  brother  Ali  Mardan  Khan 
furnished  a  number  of  Sowars  mounted  at  their  own  expense,  also 
a  number  of  footmen  during  the  crisis  of  1857.  These  two  men  are 
deserving  of  the  kind  consideration  of  all  British  officers,  and  I  hope 
they  may  always  receive  it.  Ali  Mardan  Khan  has  taken  service  as 
a  Duffadar  in  the  16th  Bengal  Cavalry." — Copy  of  certificate  signed 
by  Major  Rd.  Lawrence,  Officiating  Military  Secretary  to  the  Punjab 
Government,  and  dated  Lahore,  February  7,  1859,  and  now  in  the 
possession  of  Dafadar  Dost  Muhammad,  3rd  Punjab  Cavalry. 
These  acknowledgments  of  the  Government's  gratitude  are  still 
cherished  as  valuable  heirlooms  by  the  sons  and  grandsons  of  the 
men  who  gained  them. 

3  I  saw  him  during  the  first  two  months  of  the  Mutiny  on  every 
day  but  one,"  said  Mr.  Thornton,  the  Commissioner  of  Rawul  Pindi. 
"  On  that  day  I  went  as  usual  to  his  house  and  found  him  gone. 
He  had  actually  slipped  off  to  see  his  wife  at  Murri!  It  was  a 
flagrant  escapade.  He  had  no  excuse.  But  he  couldn't  help  it," 
— Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  i.  p.  512, 


3  i  2         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

passed,  her  health  gave  way,  and  they  met  only  to  part 
again.  Lady  Lawrence  wished  to  take  the  risk,  knowing 
how  useful  her  help  and  companionship  would  be,  but  Sir 
John  would  not  hear  of  it ;  she  must  rejoin  the  children  in 
England. 

"  My  husband,"  said  Lady  Lawrence,1  "  looked  very  ill 
and  worn  after  the  long  strain  of  anxiety.  But  his  work 
never  relaxed,  nor  did  he  give  himself  any  rest."  Though 
he  longed  to  be  in  England  he  refused  to  quit  his  post 
until  the  country  had  settled  down  and  its  tangled 
affairs  had  been  unravelled  and  the  unavoidable  arrears 
wiped  off. 

On  December  15,  1857,  he  assured  Bartle  Frere  that, 
"  I  am  ready  to  do  anything  I  can  for  the  public  service, 
and,  so  long  as  I  hold  the  helm  here,  will  keep  matters 
straight,  under  God's  help.  But  I  am  growing  old  and 
weary,  and  often  think  that  the  time  is  approaching  when 
I  ought  to  make  my  bow  and  be  off.  Do  what  one  can, 
little  real  progress  is  effected."  2  And  to  Currie  eight 
months  later:  "  With  the  exception  of  the  month  when  I 
went  to  Calcutta,  early  in  1856,  to  bid  Lord  Dalhousie 
good-bye,  I  have  not  had  a  day's  rest  for  nearly  sixteen 
years.  No  human  being,  for  a  continuance,  can  bear  the 
wear  and  tear  of  my  post,  doing  the  duty  as  it  should  be 
done  with  no  greater  aid  than  I  receive,  and  not  break 
down.  Year  by  year,  the  work,  instead  of  becoming  less, 
has  increased  .  .  .  more  than  half  the  new  Bengal  army 
has  been  raised,  organised  and  equipped  by  me.  Then, 
the  Delhi  territory  has  been  placed  under  me.  All  this  is 
very  honourable,  and  I  am  far  from  shrinking  from  the 
load  it  entails ;  and  had  I  been  made  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  the  country  with  an  adequate  staff  at  my  command,  I 
should  not  have  minded.   .  .   . 

"  T  am  glad  to  see  by  the  last  Overland  Mail  news  that 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  165.  2  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  J 17. 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  3  1  3 

Henry's  son  has  at  last  received  the  honours  due  to  his 
father's  great  merits.  Henry's  death  was  an  even  greater 
calamity  to  his  country  than  to  his  family.  What  would 
not  be  the  value  of  his  services  at  the  present  crisis  ?  We 
sorely  want  such  men.  We  have  not  yet  conquered  India. 
And,  even  when  this  has  been  accomplished,  a  still  harder 
task — that  of  pacifying  the  people  and  healing  old  wounds 
— is  before  us.  It  is  a  task  which  the  bravest  and  best  may 
shrink  from.  It  is  one  in  which  a  great  man  may  break 
his  heart  and  lose  his  life,  and  which,  even  should  he  by 
God's  help  accomplish  it,  will  never  be  appreciated."  x 

In  the  autumn  of  1858  one  of  his  wishes  was  realised, 
for  the  Punjab  was  made  a  Lieutenant-Governorship — a 
change  that  brought  with  it,  in  addition  to  the  improved 
status,  an  increased  staff  and  various  other  advantages. 

The  losses  of  the  war  had  brought  about  great  changes 
of  personnel  in  the  Punjab,  and  the  year  1858  witnessed 
a  gradual  redistribution  of  officers.  Among  others  Sir 
John  had  to  part  with  Montgomery  who  succeeded  Sir 
Henry  as  Chief  Commissioner  of  Oudh ;  and  Richard 
Lawrence,  having  taken  leave  of  his  "  Rosebuds,"  became 
Military  Secretary  to  his  brother.  The  important  ap- 
pointments conferred  upon  men  trained  in  the  Punjab 
school  led  to  protests  from  the  older  provinces,  and  Lord 
Canning's  reply  announcing  his  intention  of  promoting 
more  Punjabis  was  more  complimentary  to  the  Lawrence 
influence  than  satisfactory  to  the  rejected. 

In  the  year  1858  the  Government  of  India  passed  from 
the  East  India  Company  to  the  Crown,  and,  in  view  of 
the  coming  re-organisation  of  the  services,  Herbert 
Edwardes  published  his  famous  Memorandum  on  the 
Elimination  of  all  Unchristian  Principles  from  the  Govern- 
ment of  British  India.  He  was  firmly  convinced  that  the 
Company,  in  its  zeal  for  religious  neutrality,  had  been  less 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  pp.  223-225. 


3  1 4         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

than  fair  to  Christianity,  and  he  argued  that  the  ready 
credence  given  to  stories  so  absurd  as  the  conversion  to 
Christianity  by  means  of  bullock-bone  flour  and  greased 
cartridges  was  largely  due  to  native  ignorance  of  Christian 
doctrine.  He  believed  that,  had  the  Bible  been  given  the 
same  status  as  the  Koran  and  the  books  of  the  Brahmans 
in  the  Government  schools,  there  might  have  been  a  leaven 
of  knowledge  sufficient  to  have  prevented  the  panic  of  the 
ignorant.  The  Bible,  he  maintained,  had  been  condemned 
in  the  schools  through  fear  lest  its  teaching  should  offend 
the  religious  prejudices  of  the  people ;  and  the  Mutiny  had 
demonstrated  that,  because  the  natives  had  been  dis- 
couraged from  becoming  more  intimate  with  Christian 
principles,  a  woefully  false  impression  had  prevailed. 
Among  other  arguments  he  pointed  out  that  mission 
schools,  in  which  the  Bible  was  taught,  were  more  popular 
than  Government  schools  even  in  the  strongholds  of 
bigotry. 

This  "  exclusion  of  the  Bible  as  a  class-book  ...  is, 
perhaps,  our  capital  offence,  because  it  is  one  of  deliberate 
commission."  Nine  other  "  unchristian  elements  "  were 
enumerated.  Before  sending  the  memorandum  to  Lord 
Shaftesbury  for  publication  in  England,  he  submitted 
copies  to  some  of  his  colleagues  in  the  Punjab,  with  the 
object  of  forcing  their  hands  and  eliciting  their  views  for 
the  benefit  of  the  English  nation. 

Donald  Macleod  was  one  of  the  first  to  express  any 
opinion.  Edwardes  considered  his  letter  to  be  "  well 
weighed,  and  just,  and  mild,  and  lowly;  and  outspoken 
in  a  gentle  voice.  It  is  a  perfect  picture  of  himself,  and 
I  rejoice  to  have  fulfilled  the  office  of  a  pump,  and  drawn 
so  much  sweet  water  to  the  surface.  It  does  not  go  quite 
so  far  as  mine  in  some  respects,  but  goes  a  great  way,  and 
has  some  valuable  new  propositions,  and  is  altogether  a 
beautiful  expression  of  Christian  sentiment.     The  angelic 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  315 

tone  of  it  contrasts  very  favourably  with  the  vehement 
and  often  ironic  tone  of  mine." 

"  What  a  splendid  article  Edwardes  has  written  on 
Christian  Government!"  said  Montgomery.  "What  a 
sensation  it  will  create  at  home !  " 

The  head  of  the  Punjab  Education  Department  was 
Mr.  William  Arnold,  son  of  Arnold  of  Rugby.  He  pro- 
tested against  the  introduction  of  the  Bible  as  a  class- 
book  on  the  ground  that  the  English  were  merely  the 
trustees  of  the  Hindus,  a  proposition  which  Sir  John 
Lawrence  promptly  controverted.  "  Mr.  Macleod  has 
most  justly  observed,"  he  wrote,  "  that  many  of  Mr. 
Arnold's  arguments  are  based  on  the  assumption  that  the 
British  Government  stands  in  the  same  relation  towards 
the  people  of  India  as  a  representative  Government  stands 
towards  its  people.  ...  If,  by  being  trustees  for  the 
people,  we  are  supposed  to  be  bound  invariably  by  the  will 
of  the  people,  then  we  are  not,  the  Chief  Commissioner 
thinks,  trustees  in  that  sense.  We  have  not  been  elected 
or  placed  in  power  by  the  people,  but  we  are  here  through 
our  moral  superiority,  by  the  force  of  circumstances,  by 
the  will  of  Providence.  This  alone  constitutes  our  charter 
to  govern  India. 

"  In  doing  the  best  we  can  for  the  people,  we  are  bound 
by  our  conscience,  and  not  by  theirs.  Believing  that  the 
study  of  the  Bible  is  fraught  with  the  highest  blessings, 
we,  of  course,  do  desire  to  communicate  those  blessings 
to  them  if  we  can." 

To  Arnold  he  wrote:  "  I  believe  that,  provided  neither 
force  nor  fraud  were  used,  Christ  would  assuredly  approve 
of  the  introduction  of  the  Bible.  We  believe  that  the 
Bible  is  true,  that  it  is  the  only  means  of  salvation.  Surely 
we  should  lend  our  influence  in  making  it  known  to  our 
subjects.  ...  I  believe  that,  provided  we  do  it  wisely  and 
judiciously,  the  people  will  gradually  read  that  book.     I 


3  I  6         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

have  reason  to  suppose  this  because  the  missionaries  are 
successful.  ..." 

In  the  official  reply  to  Edwardes  he  stated  that,  "... 
In  respect  to  the  teaching  of  the  Bible  in  Government 
Schools  and  Colleges,  I  am  to  state  that,  in  the  Chief-Com- 
missioner's judgment,  such  teaching  ought  to  be  offered 
to  all  those  who  may  be  willing  to  receive  it  .  .  .  that  it 
should  be  taught  in  class  wherever  we  have  teachers  fit  to 
teach  it  and  pupils  willing  to  hear  it.  .  .  .  So  long  as  the 
attendance  is  voluntary  there  will  be  boys  to  attend ;  but, 
if  it  be  obligatory,  then  suspicion  is  aroused,  and  there  is 
some  chance  of  empty  benches.  Moreover,  as  a  matter  of 
principle,  the  Chief-Commissioner  believes  that,  if  any- 
thing like  compulsion  enters  into  our  system  of  diffusing 
Christianity,  the  rules  of  that  religion  itself  are  disobeyed 
and  that  we  shall  never  be  permitted  to  profit  by  our 
disobedience.  ..." 

On  some  of  the  other  points  raised  Sir  John  could  not 
agree  with  Colonel  Edwardes — the  proposed  resumption 
of  ancient  "  grants  on  alienations  from  the  public  revenue 
for  native  religions,"  continued  by  the  Company  after 
the  absorption  of  states ;  the  discontinuance  of  the  present 
recognition  of  the  native  holy-days  in  the  public  offices ; 
and  the  argument  that  "  in  our  criminal  and  civil  ad- 
ministration we  still  adhere  too  strictly  to  the  Hindu  and 
Mohammedan  laws."  He  contended  that  in  these  and 
similar  matters  Edwardes  was  not  sufficiently  tolerant  of 
native  prejudices. 

Well  pleased,  however,  that  he  had  such  strong  support 
for  his  main  proposition,  Edwardes  said:  "It  is  a  noble 
expression  of  the  duty  of  the  Indian  Government  to  do 
whatever  Christianity  requires,  at  whatever  cost ;  and  it 
only  differs  from  mine  as  to  what  Christianity  does  demand 
of  us,  and  what  it  does  not.     It  stops  a  long  way  short  of 


John  Lawrence  Saves  India  317 

my  proposals.     Still,  on  the  whole,  it  is  a  fine  manifesto, 
and  I  rejoice  to  have  elicited  it." 

Though  Delhi  had  fallen  on  September  20,  1857,  the 
Mutiny  was  not  finally  stamped  out  before  the  spring  of 
the  year  1859,  when  the  Nana  Sahib  and  his  wretched 
followers  were  swept  into,  and  finally  lost  in,  the  jungles  of 
the  Nepal  Terai. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

(1859-1869) 

VICEROY   OF   INDIA 

Honours — Reception  in  England — Appointed  Viceroy — The  Orissa 
Famine — Crisis  in  Bombay — Public  Works — Tenancy  Acts — 
Relations  with  Secretaries  of  State — His  Simplicity — Calumnies 
— His  Durbars — Raised  to  the  Peerage. 

Sir  John  Lawrence  had  felt  that  while  Mutiny  still  dared 
to  raise  its  head  he  could  not  be  spared  from  the  Punjab, 
however  great  the  longing  to  go  home  and  the  need  for 
rest,  and  having  obtained  Montgomery's  appointment  as 
his  successor,  on  February  26,  1859,  ne  leit  Lahore  for 
England.  In  recognition  of  his  Mutiny  services  he  had 
been  made  a  G.C.B.,  a  baronet,  and  a  Privy  Councillor; 
the  Freedom  of  the  City  of  London  had  been  conferred  upon 
him,  and  the  East  India  Company  had  granted  him  a 
pension  of  £2000  a  year,  but  the  people  of  England  felt 
that  these  honours  and  rewards  were  insufficient.  "  Your 
name  and  services  are  in  every  one's  mouth,"  Lord  Stanley 
wrote.  "  Be  prepared  for  such  a  reception  in  England  as 
no  one  has  had  for  twenty  years."  1 

The  great  Punjabi  was  welcomed  by  the  English  nation 
with  a  tribute  of  admiration  the  more  worthy  of  acceptance 
that,  as  nearly  two  years  had  passed  since  the  date  of  his 
triumph,  the  acclamations  could  not  be  mistaken  for  the 
clamour  of  an  indiscriminating  and  sensation-loving  mob. 
In  addition  to  the  ceremony  at  the  Guildhall,  the  Honorary 
Degrees  of  the  chief  universities  were  conferred  upon  him ; 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  244. 
3i8 


-/<>{(/    -Jffl 


tff/'it  //f< 


Viceroy  of  India  319 

he  was  welcomed  to  Windsor  where  the  Queen  and  the 
Prince  Consort  delighted  to  honour  him ;  and  he  received 
an  address  signed  by  some  eight  thousand  of  the  most  influ- 
ential persons  in  the  land.  A  deep  impression  had  been 
made  upon  the  public  mind  by  his  outspoken  expression  of 
opinion  on  the  duty  of  Christians  in  India,  and,  in  present- 
ing the  address,  Dr.  Tait  (then  Bishop  of  London)  referred 
to  and  quoted  from  this  declaration.  "  You  laid  down  the 
principle,"  said  he,  "  that  '  having  endeavoured  solely  to 
ascertain  what  is  our  Christian  duty,  we  should  follow  it 
out  to  the  uttermost  undeterred  by  any  consideration.'  .  .  . 
You  have  recorded  your  conviction  that  Christian  things 
done  in  a  Christian  way  will  never  alienate  the  heathen.  .  .  . 
These  words  are  memorable.  Their  effect  will  be  happy 
not  only  on  your  age  but  on  ages  to  come." 

"  All  we  did  was  no  more  than  our  duty  and  even  our 
immediate  interest,"  said  Lawrence  in  acknowledging  the 
tribute  to  his  services.  "  It  was  no  more  than  the  neces- 
sities of  our  position  impelled  us  to  attempt.  Our  sole 
chance  of  escape  was  to  resist  to  the  last.  The  path  of 
duty,  of  honour,  and  of  safety  was  clearly  marked  out  for 
us.  .  .  .  To  use  the  words  of  my  heroic  brother  at  Lucknow, 
it  was  incumbent  on  us  never  to  give  in.  We  had  no  retreat, 
no  scope  for  compromise.  That  we  were  eventually 
successful  against  the  fearful  odds  which  beset  us,  was 
alone  the  work  of  the  great  God  who  so  mercifully  vouch- 
safed His  protection." 

But,  though  not  immune  from  the  "  last  infirmity  of 
noble  minds,"  the  glare  of  publicity  repelled  rather  than 
attracted  him,  and  his  secretary,  Mr.  Brandreth,  has  told 
of  his  master's  alarm  and  indignation  when  he  threatened, 
in  jest,  to  inform  the  Mayor  of  Dover  of  the  hour  of  the 
hero's  departure  from  Calais.  The  role  of  social  lion  was 
distasteful  to  him,  and  he  held  most  dear  the  hours  devoted 
to  his  wife  and  children. 


320         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

These  four  years  in  England  were  among  the  happiest 
of  his  life.  Before  leaving  India  he  had  been  appointed  a 
member  of  the  newly-formed  Council  of  India,  and  though 
a  sense  of  duty  led  him  to  accept,  he  grudged  the  time  spent 
at  the  India  Office.  While  Chief  Commissioner  of  the 
Punjab  he  had  expressed  a  wish  to  retire  from  public  life 
and  turn  "  farmer  or  grazier,"  and  now  he  seemed  near 
to  the  realisation  of  his  ambition.  But  it  was  not  to  be. 
Canning's  successor,  Lord  Elgin,  died  suddenly,  and  on 
November  30,  1863,  Sir  Charles  Wood,  who  had  succeeded 
Lawrence's  friend  Lord  Stanley  as  Secretary  of  State  for 
India,  called  to  ask  his  acceptance  of  the  Viceroyalty. 

Forty-seven  years  before,  Lord  Palmerston,  then  a 
secretary  at  the  War  Office,  had  signed  the  letter  that 
refused  Colonel  Alexander  Lawrence's  petition  for  the  full 
pension  to  which  he  was  entitled.  In  1857  the  same 
statesman  had  nominated  one  son,  Henry,  as  Provisional 
Governor-General  of  India,  and  now  the  highest  office 
under  the  Crown  was  offered  by  him  to  a  younger  son,  an 
offer  acclaimed  by  the  voice  of  the  people,  who,  accepting 
him  as  "  a  great  statesman,  an  unrivalled  administrator, 
a  colossal  workman,  a  genuine  Englishman,  a  brave 
Christian,  a  grand  pillar  of  our  country,  and  a  glory  to  its 
public  life," l  had,  indeed,  resented  what  they  rightly 
deemed  the  inadequate  official  recognition  of  his  ser- 
vices. 

He  did  not  wish  to  go.  "  The  Governor-Generalship  is 
too  good  a  post  for  a  fellow  like  me,"  he  had  said  to  Sir 
Colin  Campbell,  who  had  once  expressed  the  hope  that  he 
would  eventually  attain  the  position.  But  a  check  to  the 
British  arms  on  the  frontier — the  Umbeyla  Campaign — 
seemed  likely  to  kindle  a  serious  tribal  war,  and  his  know- 
ledge of,  and  prestige  on,  the  border  were  urged  as  reasons 
for  compliance.     He  hearkened  to  the  stern  voice  of  Duty 

1  Sir^Herbert  Edwardes  in  The  Leisure  Hour,  January  5,  i860. 


Viceroy  of  India  321 

and  accepted  the  offer  before  consulting  his  wife,  lest  her 
grief  should  weaken  his  resolution. 

"  It  has  been  happily  determined,"  said  The  Times,  "  to 
break  through  the  charmed  circle  which  has  so  long  re- 
stricted the  office  of  Governor-General  to  the  Peerage,  and 
to  send  out  to  the  Empire  which  was  formed  by  the 
exertions  of  Robert  Clive  and  Warren  Hastings,  not  only 
a  commoner  but  a  commoner  wholly  unconnected  with 
any  family  of  the  English  aristocracy.  The  person,  how- 
ever, on  whom  the  choice  of  the  Government  has  rested 
is  a  man  stamped  by  the  hand  of  Nature  with  the  truest 
impress  of  nobility,  and  though  not  born  to  inherit 
aristocratic  titles,  is  peculiarly  calculated  to  create  them. 
Every  one  will  recognise  from  this  description  that  the  new 
Governor-General  of  India  is  Sir  John  Lawrence." 

He  returned  to  India  in  better  health  than  he  had  en- 
joyed for  many  years,  sanguine  but  under  no  illusion.  As 
a  young  man  in  a  subaltern  position — in  charge  of  the 
Jalandar  Doab — he  had  determined  to  "  put  his  stamp  " 
on  the  country,  and  now,  called  to  the  chief  command, 
cheered  by  his  reception  at  Calcutta,  assured  of  the  glad 
support  of  his  old  Punjabis,  he  would,  please  God,  so 
order  affairs  "  that  in  after  times  people  may  look  back 
and  recall  my  Raj  with  satisfaction."  Disappointment 
was,  however,  to  be  his  portion.  Not  the  bitter  mortifica- 
tion of  utter  failure,  nor  the  shattering  of  his  reputation, 
but  the  distressing  reflection  that  much  more  might  have 
been  accomplished  had  his  hands  been  more  free,  had 
circumstances  been  less  antagonistic.  Dalhousie  and  the 
other  Governors-General  under  whom  he  had  served  had 
not  been  tied  to  the  end  of  a  cable ;  he  himself  had  made 
his  name  ring  through  the  world  when  cut  off  from  higher 
authority  and  compelled  to  play  "  off  his  own  bat,"  to 
quote  one  of  his  pet  phrases.  Yet  though  his  Viceroy alty 
was  not  marked  by  any  event  of  striking  political  import- 


322         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

ance,  he  did  much  for  India's  welfare,  and  his  influence 
upon  Anglo-Indian  "  tone  "  was  felt  long  after  his  departure. 
His  reforms  bore  fruit ;  the  march  of  progress  was  acceler- 
ated ;  the  lot  of  the  ryot  was  improved,  but  there  were  no 
fireworks  and  limelight  to  dazzle  the  eyes  and  call  forth 
the  plaudits  of  the  mob.  The  two  wars  of  his  reign — the 
Bhotan  War  and  the  Black  Mountain  Expedition — were 
brought  to  a  conclusion  without  the  accompaniment  of 
any  brilliant  victory  or  triumph  to  appeal  to  the  popular 
imagination,  and  he  had  to  meet  adverse  conditions 
against  which  he  was  sometimes  powerless. 

The  awful  suffering  and  loss  of  life  caused  by  famine 
and  flood  in  Orissa  could  not  be — and  were  not — charged 
to  his  account.  The  executive  authority  rested  with  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  Bengal,  whom  Sir  John  Lawrence 
sent  down  to  Orissa  to  examine  and  report,  and  the  Viceroy 
was  bound  to  accept  his  official  assurance  that  there  was  no 
contingency  for  which  the  local  Government  was  not 
prepared,  no  difficulty  with  which  they  would  be  unable 
to  cope.  When  he  became  convinced  that  the  replies  to 
his  inquiries  and  the  response  to  his  exhortations  were 
unsatisfactory,  and  when  his  confidence  in  the  ability  of 
the  local  authorities  to  appreciate  the  gravity  of  the  crisis 
had  been  shaken,  his  promptness,  energy,  and  resolution 
once  more  demonstrated  that  he  was  the  same  John 
Lawrence  who  had  ruled  the  Punjab  and  stemmed  the 
flood  of  mutiny.  But  the  evil  was  done;  the  monsoon 
prevented  the  landing  of  relief-ships ;  the  floods  that 
succeeded  the  drought  cut  off  communications  by  land, 
and  one  million  people  perished. 

In  the  House  of  Commons  the  action  of  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Bengal  was  strongly  condemned,  but  the 
Viceroy  was  exonerated  from  blame.  Sir  Stafford  North- 
cote,  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India,  wrote :  1  "  There  was 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  363. 


Viceroy  of  India  323 

a  very  general  feeling  of  sympathy  with  yourself  personally ; 
and  I  hope  you  will  allow  me  to  say  that,  after  carefully 
reading  all  that  has  come  before  me,  I  receive  the  im- 
pression that  there  is  no  one  in  England  or  in  India  who 
more  entirely  deserves  our  sympathy  under  this  sad 
calamity  than  your  Excellency.  It  is  cruel  indeed  that 
such  a  visitation  should  have  come  upon  the  land  when  it 
was  under  the  charge  of  one  so  peculiarly  distinguished 
for  his  affection  for  the  people.  At  the  same  time,  I  cannot 
help  feeling  some  consolation  in  the  thought  that  we  shall 
have  the  advantage  of  your  counsel  and  assistance  in  the 
endeavours  which  must  now  be  made  to  turn  the  lesson 
to  profit." 

The  second  blow  to  the  Lawrence  administration  came 
from  the  Bombay  side,  and  in  this  case  also  circumstances 
were  too  strong  for  the  Viceroy.  The  American  War, 
by  closing  the  main  source  of  the  cotton  supply,  created 
a  demand  for  the  Indian  article,  and  a  period  of  unheard-of 
prosperity  led  to  reckless  speculation  of  which  the  company 
promoter  took  advantage.  The  example  set  by  Bombay 
was  followed — with  less  abandon — in  other  towns.  Then 
cotton,  which  had  gone  up  from  £44  a  ton  to  £189,  rapidly 
fell  almost  to  normal,  and  one  bank  after  another  came 
down  with  a  crash,  the  shock  being  felt  throughout 
Hindustan. 

These  catastrophes  crippled  the  Governor-General's 
resources,  impoverished  his  treasury,  caused  delay  in  the 
construction  of  public  works,  and  must  have  weighed  very 
heavily  upon  one  so  strenuously  devoted  to  the  welfare  of 
his  people.  As  yet,  however,  no  blame  was  imputed  to 
him,  no  attempt  made  to  depreciate  the  value  of  his 
services  to  India.     That  came  later. 

Four  of  his  five  budgets  showed  deficits,  and  as  he  had 
always  held  as  an  article  of  faith — almost  equal  in  import- 
ance to  that  which  forbade  arrears  of  work — that  expendi- 


324         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

ture  should  not  exceed  income,  his  disappointment  at  the 
apparent  failure  to  practise  as  he  had  preached  will  be 
understood.  Yet  few  were  found  to  blame  him  when, 
for  a  time,  he  allowed  a  favourite  maxim  to  go  by  the 
board.  From  the  financial  standpoint  alone,  to  spend 
freely  on  irrigation — and  get  the  money's  worth — would 
prove  less  expensive  than  another  Orissa  famine;  to 
increase  the  efficiency  of  the  European  army  in  India 
than  another  Mutiny;  to  build  barracks  in  accordance 
with  the  plans  of  experts  in  sanitation — "  palaces  "  the 
scoffers  termed  them — than  to  invite  an  epidemic  to  kill 
off  the  costly  British  soldier.  Railways,  canals,  telegraphs, 
roads,  schools,  hospitals,  and  gaols,  costly  sanitary  reforms 
in  Calcutta  and  other  towns,  the  re-organisation  of  the 
native  police  and  magistracy,  all  would  pay  for  themselves 
in  time,  and  though  his  work  might  fail  to  dazzle  the 
popular  mind,  which  demands  the  outward  and  visible 
signs  of  success  for  to-day  and  would  let  the  morrow  take 
care  of  itself,  the  benefit  would  sooner  or  later  be  felt,  and 
he  would  have  done  his  duty.  He  spent  £5,000,000  upon 
barracks  and  £26,000,000  upon  railways.1 

Though  the  expenditure  increased  from  forty-six  millions 
sterling  to  more  than  fifty-four  millions,  the  fact  did  not 
shake  his  popularity:  his  proposals  for  raising  the  money 
did.  He  wished  to  renew  the  income-tax  which  would 
leave  the  hand -to -mouth -existing  ryot  untouched,  and 
would  fall  upon  the  planters  and  traders,  European,  Hindu, 
and  Parsee,  and  the  wealthy  classes  of  every  nationality. 
Thereupon  rose  a  shrill  scream  of  protestation,  and,  to 
judge   from   the   tone   of   the   Anglo-Indian   press,    John 

1  The  report  for  the  Home  Government  on  the  subject  of  railways 
was  drawn  up  by  Colonel  Strachey  of  the  Public  Works  Depart- 
ment, one  of  Lawrence's  best  subordinates.  The  Viceroy  read 
through  the  document,  admired  its  technicalities,  and  observed 
to  its  author  as  he  signed  it:  "  What  a  clever  chap  they  will  think 
me  at  home!  " — Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  349. 


Viceroy  of  India  325 

Lawrence's  unequalled  services  were  forgotten.  He 
smarted  under  the  abuse,  but  was  not  turned  from  his 
purpose.  In  Council,  however,  he  was  defeated,  and  had 
to  be  content  with  a  compromise,  a  "  licence-tax,"  less 
thorough  and  less  fair  in  its  incidence. 

He  brought  forward  and  carried  important  measures 
which  defined  the  relations  between  landowners  and 
tenants  and  safeguarded  the  rights  of  the  cultivators. 
The  first  of  these,  the  Punjab  Tenancy  Act,  placed  the 
chaotic  question  of  land  tenure  in  the  Punjab  upon  a 
more  satisfactory  basis.  A  Bill  dealing  with  tenant  right 
in  Oudh,  where  the  conditions  were  dissimilar,  raised 
another  storm  of  opposition  from  the  talukdars  and  from 
European  landowners  in  Bengal.  He  appealed  to  the 
Home  Government,  obtained  its  support,  and,  though 
forced  to  compromise  in  order  to  conciliate  the  objectors,  he 
was  able  to  pass  an  Act  that  has  since  worked  smoothly. 

Sir  John's  relations  with  the  successive  Secretaries  of 
State  for  India — Sir  Charles  Wood,  Lord  de  Grey  (now 
Marquis  of  Ripon),  Lord  Cranborne  (the  late  Marquis  of 
Salisbury),  and  Sir  Stafford  Northcote — were  cordial  and 
sympathetic;  and  he  was  ever  treated  by  them  with  the 
deference  due  to  a  hero.  Lord  Cranborne's  racy  letters 
he  compared  to  a  stirrup-cup,  so  stimulating  was  their 
effect  upon  him  when  jaded  and  depressed.  Unfortunately, 
however,  his  unpopularity  among  certain  classes  was  un- 
doubted, but  though  his  calumniators  had  the  power  of 
making  their  opposition  both  heard  and  felt,  the  agitation 
was  on  the  surface,  more  loud  than  deep,  and  was  mainly 
confined  to  Calcutta  and  the  Gangetic  Provinces.  He 
remained  the  hero  of  the  Punjab.  He  attempted,  indeed, 
to  model  the  whole  country  upon  the  administration  of 
that  province,  and  was  abused  because  of  his  preference 
for  Punjabis  in  all  departments  of  both  services. 

In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State  he  alludes  to  such 


326         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

remonstrances  and  points  out  that,  as  the  Punjab  has  for 
many  years  been  a  training-ground  for  the  best  type  of 
officer,  the  work-loving,  energetic  man,  desirous  of,  and 
fitted  to  bear,  the  burden  of  responsibility,  "  it  is  not  easy 
to  select  men  of  mark,  who  are  not,  in  some  degree,  open 
to  this  reproach.  But,  if  I  know  myself  at  all,  I  believe 
that  the  sole  motive  I  have  had  in  view  is  the  public  service, 
and  that,  for  all  appointments  of  any  real  importance,  I 
have  selected  officers  only  for  their  approved  merits. 
I  know  not  a  single  instance  in  which  any  of  these  men 
have  failed  to  do  justice  to  my  selection.  I  claim  no  merit 
in  this  way ;  for  any  other  conduct,  in  my  difficult  position, 
would  be  simply  suicidal.  But,  at  any  rate,  I  do  not 
deserve  the  obloquy  which  has  been  cast  upon  me.  No 
man,  however,  in  high  position,  who  does  not  help  those 
who  have  done  him  service  by  doing  well  that  of  the  State, 
is  fitted  for  command."  l 

He  never,  however,  allowed  motives  of  friendship  to 
influence  an  appointment,  for  jobbery  was  especially 
abhorrent  to  his  nature.  "  '  Why  don't  you  give  me  the 
post  ?  '  said  a  very  near  relative  to  him  once ;  '  I  am  as 
fit  for  it  as  anybody  else.'  '  That's  just  it,'  replied  the 
Governor-General ;  '  you  are  as  fit  as  anybody  else, 
but  as  you  are  a  near  relative,  you  ought  to  be  better 
fitted  for  it  than  any  one  else,  to  justify  me  in  giving  it 
to  you.'  " 

His  opponents  were  not  scrupulous  in  method  or  in 
language,  and  they  tried  to  hurt.  His  disregard  of  vice- 
regal precedent  they  held  up  to  ridicule,  and  sneered  at 
what  they  chose  to  consider  his  affectation  of  simplicity, 
pretending  to  regret  that  he  should  so  degrade  the  dignity 
of  his  high  office.  One  of  his  crimes  was  a  preference  for 
walking  about  unattended,  all  well-regulated  Governors- 
General  having  been  in  the  habit  of  driving  or  riding  under 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  342. 


Viceroy  of  India  327 

escort.  In  the  early  days  of  his  Viceroyalty  a  sentry  kept 
him  at  bayonet's  point  from  entering  his  own  palace. 
The  sepoy  had  too  high  an  opinion  of  what  was  due  from 
a  Governor-General  to  give  heed  to  the  absurd  story  that 
the  simply-dressed  man  on  foot  could  be  the  great  Jan 
Lar ens}  One  exceptionally  hot  Sunday  he  considerately 
dismissed  six  of  the  eight  troopers  of  his  escort,  and  in 
reply  to  the  staff-officer's  protest  on  the  score  of  official 
dignity,  he  declared  that,  "  If  I  can't  go  to  church  with  two 
troopers  as  my  escort,  I  am  not  fit  to  be  Governor-General 
of  India." 

The  old  Punjab  habit  of  working  unencumbered  by  coat, 
waistcoat,  or  collar,  and  with  shirt-sleeves  turned  up, 
clung  to  him  still,  and  proved  another  ground  of  offence. 
Great  scandal  was  caused  by  his  reception  in  slippers  of  a 
"  deputation  of  Calcutta  dignitaries."  On  learning  from 
his  secretary  that  some  of  the  magnates  had  regarded  the 
oversight  as  an  affront,  he  exclaimed,  "  Why,  Hathaway, 
they  were  quite  new  and  good  slippers !  "  2 

The  more  unscrupulous  of  his  opponents  seized  upon 
these  stories,  and — having  added  a  smack  of  the  grotesque — 
sent  them  forth  again  to  persuade  the  world  that  Sir  John 
Lawrence  was  a  boor.  Imagine  Dalhousie  receiving  an 
influential  deputation  in  his  slippers !  refused  admittance 
by  his  sentry !  They  failed  in  their  object.  The  Viceroy's 
"  heroic  simplicity  "  was  known  from  Peshawar  to  Calcutta, 
and  as  the  clown  depicted  by  the  hostile  press  bore  no 
resemblance  to  the  real  John  Lawrence,  little  harm  was 
done. 

Then  his  depreciators  grew  less  particular  about  the 
foundation  of  fact.  In  spite  of  his  well-known  generosity 
they  dared  to  accuse  him  of  meanness — practically  of  an 
attempt  to  make  a  profit  out  of  the  viceregal  allowance, 
because  he  had  had  the  courage  to  abolish  certain  offices 

1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  pp.  282-283.  *  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  290. 


328         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

in  the  palace  that  were  neither  useful  nor  ornamental — 
expenses  continued  because  they  had  been  begun.  The 
viceregal  dinners  and  entertainments  were  condemned 
as  "  cheap  and  nasty,"  the  wines  said  to  be  inferior  to  his 
predecessor's,  and — after  his  departure — not  to  be  com- 
pared with  those  of  his  successor,  the  truth  being  that 
he  had  bought  up  Lord  Elgin's  stock,  and  had  sold  his  own 
surplus  to  Lord  Mayo.1 

But,  though  pomp  and  ostentation  were  uncongenial  to 
his  nature,  Sir  John  Lawrence  was  never  indifferent  to 
their  value  at  the  proper  time  and  place.  He  knew  to 
how  great  extent  externals  count  in  the  Oriental  mind,  and 
was  not  prepared  altogether  to  ignore  the  Hindu  axiom 
that  power  and  pageantry  go  hand  in  hand.  His  durbars 
at  Lahore,  Agra,  and  Lucknow  were  made  to  overshadow  in 
splendour  those  of  all  previous  Governors-General. 

At  Lahore  he  was  surrounded  by  old  friends  and  well- 
tried  comrades;  his  schoolfellow  Montgomery  was  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor ;  and  there  were  the  princes  and  chieftains 
of  the  Punjab  and  of  the  frontier  states  and  tribes  who 
had  stood  by  him  in  the  hour  of  trial. 

In  the  course  of  his  speech  at  Agra  he  reminded  the 
assembled  potenates  that,  "  The  art  of  governing  wisely 
and  well  is  a  difficult  one,  which  is  only  to  be  attained  by 
much  thought,  and  care,  and  labour.  Few  Kings  and  Chiefs 
in  Hindustan  have  possessed  the  necessary  qualifications 
because  they  have  not  taken  the  precaution  in  their  youth 
to  learn  how  to  study  and  to  act  for  themselves.  Nor 
have  they  cared  to  have  their  sons,  those  who  were  to 
succeed  them,  well  instructed  and  carefully  trained. 
Hence  it  has  so  often  happened,  that,  after  a  Chief  has 
passed  away,  he  has  not  been  remembered  as  a  good  and 
wise  ruler.  Great  men,  when  living,  often  receive  praise 
from  their  friends  and  adherents  for  virtues  which  they  do 
1  Bosworth  Smith,  vol.  ii.  p.  286. 


Viceroy  of  India  329 

not  possess,  and  it  is  only  after  this  life  is  ended  that  the 
real  truth  is  told.  Of  all  fame  that  such  men  can  acquire, 
that  alone  is  worth  having  which  is  accorded  to  a  just  and 
beneficent  ruler.  The  names  of  conquerors  and  heroes 
are  forgotten.  But  those  of  virtuous  and  wise  Chiefs 
live  for  ever."  And  he  assured  them  that  "  the  British 
Government  will  honour  that  chief  most  who  excels  in  the 
good  management  of  his  people;  who  does  most  to  put 
down  crime,  and  improve  the  condition  of  his  country." 
When  the  Lucknow  durbar  was  over,  as 

The  tumult  and  the  shouting  dies, 
The  captains  and  the  kings  depart, 

John  Lawrence  visited  the  room  in  which  his  brother  had 
been  struck  down,  and  stood  for  some  time  by  the  simple 
tomb  in  the  Residency  grounds,  alone  with  his  thoughts. 

In  the  summer  of  1867  he  contemplated  resigning, 
"  having  been  suffering  a  good  deal  of  late  from  my  old 
complaint  in  my  head.  ...  I  am  not  at  all  sure  that  I 
shall  not  break  down."  Moreover,  Lady  Lawrence  "is  in 
delicate  health,  and  must  go  home."  However,  he  decided 
to  stay  on,  but  by  the  time  that  his  term  had  run  its  course 
his  health  had  utterly  broken  down  and  he  was  glad  to 
welcome  Lord  Mayo,  his  successor. 

He  landed  in  England  in  March  1869  a  worn-out  man, 

though  but  fifty-eight  years  old,   and  shortly  after  his 

arrival  he  was  raised  to  the  peerage  with  the  title  "  Baron 

Lawrence  of  the  Punjab  and  of  Grately." 1 

1  Grately  was  the  name  of  a  small  estate  left  to  him  on  the  death 
of  his  sister,  Mrs.  Hayes. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 
(1869-1879) 

THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  JOHN  LAWRENCE 

Home  Life — The  London  School  Board — Tributes  to  Missionary 
Work — Miss  Gaster's  Reminiscences — The  Forward  Policy — 
He  condemns  the  Government's  Afghan  Policy — His  Death. 

Lord  Lawrence's  official  connection  with  India  was  over, 
and  his  ideal  of  domestic  happiness  at  last  seemed  possible 
of  attainment.  And  in  a  measure  it  was  attained,  though 
the  realisation  of  the  day-dreams  of  the  stifling  kutcheri 
was  only  partial,  for  the  children  whom  he  had  loved  to 
gather  round  him,  in  whose  romps  he  had  joined  with  a 
zest  hardly  less  than  their  own,  had  grown  up  and  were 
dispersed.1 

During  the  parents'  last  absence  from  England  they  had 
lived  at  Southgate  with  their  aunt  Letitia  and  their  cousin 
Honoria,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence.  On  the 
death  of  Mrs.  Hayes,  Sir  Herbert  and  Lady  Edwardes  had 
generously  taken  charge  of  the  Southgate  house  so  that 
Lady  Lawrence  might  remain  another  year  with  her 
husband.  The  family  now  removed  to  Queen's  Gate, 
Kensington,  and  in  1871  Brockett  Hall,  Hertfordshire, 
became  their  country  home. 

Though  fairly  regular  in  his  attendance  at  the  House  of 
Lords,  Lord  Lawrence  took  little  part  in  debate.     He  was 

1  Nine  children  were  living  at  this  date — four  sons,  John,  Henry, 
Charles  Napier,  and  Bertie,  and  five  daughters,  Kate,  Emily,  Alice 
Margaret,  Mary,  and  Maude.  A  son  and  daughter  had  died  in 
infancy.  The  eldest,  Kate  (married  in  1868  to  Colonel  Randall), 
was  born  in  1843,  the  youngest,  Maude,  in  1864. 

33° 


The  Last  Years  of  John  Lawrence      331 

no  orator,  and,  in  common  with  most  men  of  prompt  and 
decisive  action  and  of  administrative  ability,  he  distrusted 
overmuch  fluency  of  language,  though  he  listened  with 
admiration,  and  some  envy,  to  genuine  eloquence.  Mr. 
Gladstone,  writing  to  express  the  pleasure  that  Lawrence's 
acceptance  of  a  peerage  had  given  him,  had  expressed  the 
opinion  that  the  House  of  Lords  was  to  be  congratulated ; 
and  that  the  peers  themselves  endorsed  the  Premier's 
tribute  was  made  manifest  by  the  cheers  that  rose  from 
all  parts  of  the  House  to  greet  his  first  speech. 

In  politics  a  moderate  Liberal,  he  was  never  a  strong 
party  man.  One  of  the  first  measures  of  importance  upon 
which  he  was  called  to  vote  was  the  Bill  for  the  Disestab- 
lishment of  the  Church  of  Ireland,  and,  as  an  Irishman, 
says  Sir  Richard  Temple,  "  he  followed  with  keen  but 
melancholy  interest  the  important  debates  which  ensued, 
without  however  taking  any  part  in  them.  He  voted 
for  the  second  reading,  in  the  belief  that  resistance  to  the 
main  principle  of  the  measure  had  become  hopeless  in  the 
circumstances,  and  that  it  only  remained  for  the  friends 
of  the  Church  in  the  House  of  Lords  to  try  and  make  the 
terms  of  disestablishment  more  favourable  to  her." 

In  the  year  1870  Mr.  Forster's  Education  Act  came  into 
force,  and  Lord  Lawrence  allowed  himself  to  be  nominated 
as  a  candidate  for  the  first  London  School  Board;  and, 
being  elected  by  a  large  majority,  he  was  appointed  chair- 
man of  the  board.  As  Head  of  the  Punjab  and  as  Viceroy 
of  India  he  had  done  his  utmost  to  encourage  the  spread  of 
education,  and  in  England  he  had  given  a  hearty  support 
to  the  schools  at  Grately  and  Southgate.  His  appreciation 
of  the  benefit  that  would  be  conferred  upon  the  nation  by 
Mr.  Forster's  Act  impelled  him  to  throw  himself  into  the 
work  of  the  board  with  so  much  zest  as  to  give  rise  to 
uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  friends,  who  feared  the  conse- 
quence of  so  severe  a  tax  upon  his  strength. 


332         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

He  presided  over  the  weekly  meetings  of  the  board  with 
wisdom  and  tact,  listening  to  much  futile  outpouring  of 
words  without  giving  a  sign  of  the  impatience  he  must 
have  felt,  always  throwing  the  weight  of  his  influence  on 
the  side  of  toleration  and  moderation,  always  seeking  to 
combine  what  was  best  in  the  ideas  and  proposals  of 
opposing  members  when  these  were  not  fundamentally 
antagonistic.  His  belief  in  the  necessity  for  religious 
instruction  as  the  basis  of  true  education  was  decided  and 
uncompromising,  and  he  prevailed.  Unfortunately  the 
fears  entertained  by  those  who  knew  and  loved  him  best 
were  soon  justified,  and  he  was  compelled,  by  lack  of  sleep, 
to  give  himself  a  holiday.  After  a  three  months'  tour  in 
France  and  Italy  with  his  wife,  he  resumed  his  duties  on 
the  board  until  the  end  of  its  three  years'  term,  when  he 
reluctantly  decided  not  to  offer  himself  for  re-election.  He 
had  been  able  to  give  an  impetus  to  the  Act's  career  of 
usefulness;  he  must  leave  the  carrying-on  of  the  work  to 
others.  The  wisdom  of  the  decision  was,  unhappily,  only 
too  evident,  and  the  first  chairman  of  the  London  School 
Board  retired  amid  general  regret,  expressed  ungrudgingly 
by  both  parties  on  the  board. 

Having  accepted  the  office  of  vice-president  of  the 
Church  Missionary  Society  he  frequently  attended  its 
committee  and  public  meetings,  and  his  testimonies  to 
the  value  of  missionary  effort  in  India  did  much  to 
strengthen  the  faith  of  many  earnest  Christians  who  had 
become  disheartened  by  the  apparent  lack  of  impression 
made  upon  India's  myriads.  His  words  are  still  quoted 
as  the  witness  of  one  who  had  had  unique  opportunities 
of  judging,  whose  insight  and  discrimination  were  enthusi- 
astically acknowledged,  who  was  known  to  weigh  his  words 
carefully,  and  who  would  never  descend  to  convey  a  false 
impression  for  the  sake  of  compliment.  At  a  Wesleyan 
missionary  meeting  he  said:    "I  believe  that,  not  with- 


The  Last  Years  of  John  Lawrence      335 

Dost  Mohammed  had  died  in  the  year  1863,  just  before 
Lawrence's  return  to  India  as  Viceroy.  For  a  time 
Afghanistan  was  convulsed  by  civil  war,  and  as  one  claimant 
to  the  throne  defeated  a  rival  he  would  appeal  to  the 
Viceroy  for  recognition  and  assistance.  Lawrence  declined 
to  interfere ;  the  ruler  whom  the  Afghans  accepted  would  be 
recognised  by  England,  but  must  expect  no  help.  Finally 
Shere  Ali,  the  third  son  and  nominee  of  Dost  Mohammed, 
got  the  better  of  his  opponents  and  secured  the  throne, 
and  he  and  the  Viceroy  came  to  an  understanding.  So 
long  as  he  remained  de  facto  ruler  of  Afghanistan  the  Indian 
Government  would  help  him  to  keep  his  borders  intact 
and  his  turbulent  subjects  in  order  by  gifts  of  arms  and 
money,  but  not  a  man  would  be  sent  across  the  frontier: 
without  England's  approval  he  was  not  to  conclude  treaties 
with  foreign  powers ;  and  though  England  must  refuse  to 
enter  into  a  defensive  and  offensive  alliance,  he,  the  amir, 
was  to  be  "  the  friend  of  our  friends  and  the  enemy  of  our 
enemies  ":  should  Russia  encroach,  England  would  supply 
the  Afghans  with  arms  and  money,  and  would  deal  with  her 
elsewhere,  but  not  in  Afghanistan  itself. 

Shere  Ali  had  raised  the  objection  that  this  arrangement 
was  one-sided,  but  he  could  get  no  better  terms  from 
Sir  John  Lawrence,  whose  knowledge  of  the  suspicious, 
jealous  nature  of  the  Afghans  convinced  him  that  English- 
men that  should  enter  Afghanistan,  even  as  allies  or 
military  advisers,  would  be  regarded  as  enemies,  that  the 
presence  of  a  British  force  in  Kabul,  even  at  the  request  of 
the  ruler  and  with  the  definite  purpose  of  defending  the 
country  against  Russian  aggression,  would  merely  serve 
to  incite  hatred  of  the  English  and  force  the  Afghans  to  the 
Russian  side.  "  Never  talk  of  sending  a  Resident  to 
Kabul,"  Dost  Mohammed  had  once  advised  him,  for  even 
he,  the  strong  man  of  Afghanistan,  "  could  not  ensure  his 
safety,"  and  the  warning  had  been  laid  to  heart.     Law- 

Y2 


336         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

rence  maintained  that  whenever  Russia  might  make  the 
attempt  upon  India,  the  Afghans  would  probably — 
influenced  by  no  regard  for  England's  interests — oppose 
the  advance  tooth  and  nail,  and  would  so  harass  and 
delay  and  weaken  an  invading  army  that  a  strong  British 
force  would  have  little  difficulty  in  disposing  of  whatever 
remnant  might  make  its  way  through  the  passes,  and  that 
the  subsequent  retreat  of  the  invaders  would  result  in  such 
utter  destruction  that  the  attempt  would  not  be  repeated. 
As  Viceroy  he  had  also  urged  upon  the  Home  Government 
that  Russia  "  might  be  given  to  understand  in  firm  but 
courteous  language,  that  it  cannot  be  permitted  to  interfere 
in  the  affairs  of  Afghanistan." 

But  a  new  school  of  policy  had  been  founded  on  the 
frontier  and  had  grown  powerful,  for  its  gurus  were  men 
whose  ability,  experience,  high  character,  and  personal 
influence  gave  weight  to  their  counsels.  The  "  Forward 
Policy  "  had  been  tried  with  undoubted  success  by  Sir 
Robert  Sandeman  and  Sir  Bartle  Frere  and  their  disciples 
along  the  upper  Sind  and  Baluchistan  frontiers.  "  With 
very  little  fighting,"  said  Lord  Roberts  in  the  House  of 
Lords  on  March  7,  1898,  "  Baluchistan — an  immense  tract 
of  mountain  and  desert  country,  and  inhabited  by  clans 
as  wild  and  restless  as  any  on  our  frontier — was  rescued 
by  that  practical  border  officer  [Sandeman]  from  a  condition 
of  absolute  chaos,  and  turned  into  what  is  now  a  peaceful 
and  prosperous  province,  where  our  officers  move  about 
freely  escorted  by  the  tribesmen  themselves,  and  are 
everywhere  met  by  signs  of  confidence  and  respect.  Sir 
Robert  Sandeman  used  to  describe  his  policy  as  one  of 
peace  and  goodwill,'  and  that  it  certainly  was." 
Sandeman,  Frere,  and  their  followers  had  won  the 
friendship  of  the  wild  Baluchi  chiefs,  for  the  forward  policy, 
as  initiated  by  them  and  as  approved  at  present  by  Lord 
Roberts  and  other  distinguished  frontier  officers,  does  not 


The  Last  Years  of  John  Lawrence      337 

necessarily  imply  conquest  by  arms,  but  rather  an  earnest 
endeavour  to  extend  British  influence  with  the  approval 
and  goodwill  of  the  tribesmen  themselves.  The  true 
Afghans — the  Duranis — and  all  the  Sunni  tribes  are  un- 
doubtedly bitter  fanatics,  prompt  to  raise  the  green 
standard  of  Islam  and  proclaim  jehad  at  the  bidding  of  the 
mullahs ;  but  the  Kazilbashes,  the  Hazaras  (of  Western 
Afghanistan),  and  a  large  proportion  of  the  amir's  subjects 
belong  to  the  more  tolerant  and  less  inflammable  Shiah 
sect,  and  these  would  welcome  any  change  of  policy 
calculated  to  protect  trade  and  promote  intercourse  with 
the  Punjab  and  Hindustan.  The  new  school  believed 
that  though  Afghan  suspicion  would  be  difficult  to  allay, 
a  better  understanding  and  more  friendly  relations  with 
Afghanistan  might  be  secured  in  time  if  the  amir  could 
be  prevailed  upon  to  consent  to  the  presence  of  an  English 
mission  in  his  dominions,  and  if  the  right  men  could  be 
sent,  men  with  sympathy  and  tact  and  knowledge,  whose 
motives  were  above  suspicion.  Their  duty  would  be  to 
demonstrate  practically  that,  as  their  interests  were  bound 
together,  England's  aim  was  to  strengthen  and  advance  the 
prosperity  of  Afghanistan,  and  that  such  a  consummation 
would  be  much  more  to  her  liking  than  the  conquest  of  a 
barren  country.  Without  any  expectation  of  instantaneous 
success  they  ardently  believed  that  in  time  the  Afghan 
would  regard  the  Englishman  as  a  friend.  They  maintained 
that  friendship  and  understanding  were  essential,  and  that 
so  long  as  England  held  aloof  and  discouraged  inter- 
course the  Russian  would  be  able  to  bid  higher  for  Afghan 
support,  and  that  the  national  greed,  excited  by  the 
prospect  of  sacking  the  rich  towns  of  India,  would  prove 
even  stronger  than  the  hatred  of  the  kafir.  Lawrence  had, 
indeed,  stated  that,  should  the  Russians  be  able  to  convince 
the  Afghans  of  the  assured  success  of  a  joint  invasion,  "  I 
feel  no  shadow  of  a  doubt  that  .  .  .  the  Afghans  en  masse, 


338         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

from  the  Amir  of  the  day  to  the  domestic  slave  of  the 
household,  would  readily  join  in  it,"  and  the  exponents 
of  the  forward  policy,  while  admitting  that  in  the  event 
of  a  hearty  co-operation  between  the  British  forces  and 
the  mountaineer  guerillas  there  was  little  to  fear,  emphati- 
cally affirmed  that  against  a  Russo- Afghan  alliance  the 
existing  boundary  was  strategically  weak. 

"  When  the  responsibility  for  the  defence  of  the  North- 
West  Frontier  devolved  on  me  as  Commander-in-Chief  in 
India,"  said  Lord  Roberts,  "  I  never  contemplated  any 
defence  being  possible  along  the  frontier,  as  marked  on  our 
maps  by  a  thin  red  line — the  haphazard  frontier  inherited 
by  us  from  the  Sikhs — which  did  well  enough  so  long  as  we 
had  only  to  guard  against  tribal  depredations,  a  frontier 
more  than  one  thousand  miles  in  length,  with  a  belt  of 
huge  mountains  in  its  front,  inhabited  by  thousands  of 
warlike  men,  over  whom  neither  we  nor  any  other  Power 
had  control,  and  with  a  wide,  impassable  river  in  its  rear, 
seemed  to  me  then,  as  it  does  now,  an  impossible  frontier, 
and  one  on  which  no  scheme  for  the  defence  of  India 
could  be  safely  based." 

Many  admirers  of  the  policy  of  "  masterly  inactivity  "  x 
were  undoubtedly  enamoured  of  the  "  inactivity  "  and 
misunderstood  the  "  masterly,"  and  in  essentials  they  were 
separated  by  a  wider  gulf  from  their  great  master  than 
were  some  of  the  experts  of  the  opposing  school,  who  did 
not  attempt  to  deny  that  their  policy  called  for  men  of 
exceptional  influence  and  of  infinite  tact,  and  that — risky 
in  the  hands  of  officials  of  average  ability — in  those  of 
incompetents  it  was  doomed  to  disastrous  failure.  On 
the  other  hand  Sandeman's  theory  also  received  the  warm 
support  of  many  who  failed  completely  to  understand  it. 
As  a  policy  of  aggression  it  was  welcomed  by  all  who  held 

1  The  phrase  applied  to  Lawrence's  frontier  policy  by  the  Edin- 
burgh Review,  January  1867. 


The  Last  Years  of  John  Lawrence      339 

the  opinion  that  what  is  good  for  the  Englishman  must  be 
better  for  the  "  nigger,"  that  Oriental  distaste  for  Western 
civilisation  should  be  ignored,  and  that  the  stubborn 
barbarian  who  fails  to  appreciate  the  blessings  of  en- 
lightened government  should,  for  his  own  good,  be  con- 
verted by  force. 

In  spite  of  Russia's  assurance  in  1872  that  the  "  Imperial 
Cabinet  continues  to  consider  Afghanistan  as  entirely 
beyond  its  sphere  of  action,"  Russian  agents  were  in 
constant  communication  with  Shere  Ali  and  were  received 
by  him  in  Kabul  as  honoured  guests.  The  amir's  bearing 
towards  Russia  at  this  time  was  largely  influenced  by 
pique  and  by  resentment  against  England,  to  whose 
arbitration  he  had  without  hesitation  submitted  his  dispute 
with  Persia,  confident  in  the  political  sagacity  of  "  the 
friend  of  his  friends  and  enemy  of  his  enemies."  But  the 
decision  had  been  given  in  favour  of  Persia,  and  the  victim 
of  misplaced  confidence  resolved  to  punish  the  offender 
by  entering  into  a  flirtation  with  the  Russian  suitor.  The 
Russian,  being  much  nearer  to  the  Oriental  in  tempera- 
ment, and  having  fewer  prejudices  than  the  Englishman, 
assimilates  with  the  Asiatic  while  his  rival  stands  aloof, 
and  the  growing  influence  of  Russia  was  seen  in  the  estrange- 
ment of  Shere  Ali  from  his  British  ally.  Lord  Lytton,  the 
Viceroy,  renewed  the  attempts  to  persuade  him  to  receive 
an  English  mission,  but  without  success,  and  to  crown  all 
a  Russian  mission  was  welcomed  at  Kabul.  Hereupon 
the  Viceroy  insisted  that  England  could  not  be  denied 
similar  treatment,  and  warned  the  amir  that  a  mission 
would  be  sent  and  that  its  favourable  reception  would  be 
expected. 

It  is  doubtful  if  Lord  Lytton  had  grounds  for  any  such 
expectation,  but  he  certainly  placed  in  charge  the  one  man 
who  might  have  wrung  success  out  of  so  desperate  an 
enterprise.     The  reasons  which  influenced  his  choice  of 


34°         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

Sir  Neville  Chamberlain  were  these:  he  was  the  best  man 
for  the  purpose;  he  knew  the  frontier  and  was  respected 
by  the  Afghans ;  he  was  held  in  honour  by  all  men ;  and  he 
was  known  to  be  a  firm  friend  of  Lord  Lawrence.  General 
Chamberlain  consented  to  go,  and  the  mission  prepared 
to  push  through  the  Khyber  escorted  by  the  Guides  Cavalry 
and  the  Afridi  tribesmen.  As  the  amir  had  vouchsafed 
no  reply  there  was  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  mission 
would  be  stopped,  so,  in  order  to  lessen  the  effect  of  such  a 
blow  to  England's  dignity,  Major  Cavagnari  rode  forward 
to  Ali  Musjid,  the  Afghan  outpost  at  the  far  end  of  the 
Khyber,  and  was  there  turned  back,  the  Afghan  officer 
stating  courteously  but  firmly  that  his  orders  were  to  prevent 
the  passage  of  the  mission  by  force  if  necessary. 

The  affront  was  a  serious  one  and  Lord  Lytton  demanded 
an  apology  and  an  assurance  that  his  envoy  would  be 
received,  and  meanwhile  the  Afridis  of  the  Khyber  in- 
formed Sir  Neville  that  England  would  not  dare  to  take 
any  further  steps,  and  that  for  the  friendliness  shown  to 
him  they  would  be  left  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  amir's 
wrath. 

Lord  Lawrence  had  been  watching  the  trend  of  events 
with  grave  concern.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  opinion 
of  the  forward  policy  as  a  theory  he  was  convinced  that 
in  practice  it  must  break  down,  since  too  much  depended 
on  a  supply  of  ideally-perfect  officials.  He  also  considered 
that  Lord  Lytton  and  some  of  his  advisers  in  India  and 
at  home  were  not  conspicuous  for  the  possession  of  the 
necessary  attributes  of  exceptional  experience,  insight, 
and  tact;  that  there  was  much  to  be  said  on  the  side  of 
the  amir,  who  had  been  disturbed  and  irritated  by  spas- 
modic and  officious  interference.  So  in  spite  of  the  dis- 
suasion of  his  friends,  who  feared  that  he  was  not  strong 
enough  to  endure  the  worry  and  vexation  of  a  controversy 
that  was  all  too  likely  to  become  acrimonious,  he  once  more 


The  Last  Years  of  John  Lawrence      341 

stepped  into  the  arena  in  the  hope  of  preventing  the  out- 
break of  a  costly  and  hate-engendering  war. 

His  first  letter  to  The  Times  asked  the  nation  to  consider 
whether,  even  though  the  amir  had  indeed  insulted 
England's  representatives,  the  larger  share  of  the  fault 
must  not  be  attributed  to  those  who  had  tried  to  force  the 
mission  upon  him.  "  It  appears  to  me,"  he  wrote, 
"  contrary  to  sound  policy  that  we  should  resent  our 
disappointment  by  force  of  arms;  for,  by  so  doing,  we 
play  the  enemy's  game  and  force  the  Afghans  into  a  union 
with  the  Russians."  The  reason  of  the  amir's  sullen, 
suspicious  bearing  towards  the  Government  was  not  far 
to  seek.  It  was  this:  "  We  appear  to  think  that  we  can, 
in  short,  force  our  policy  on  them  without  their  taking 
offence  at  such  conduct.  .  .  .  Have  not  the  Afghans  a 
right  to  resist  our  forcing  a  Mission  on  them,  bearing  in 
mind  to  what  such  Missions  often  lead,  and  what  Burnes' 
Mission  in  1836  did  actually  bring  upon  them."  Admitting 
the  serious  nature  of  the  rebuff,  he  gave  his  opinion  that 
"  if  we  promise  to  give  up  forcing  a  Mission  on  him  he  would 
make  any  apology  that  we  could  reasonably  call  for.  I 
urge  that  we  were  wrong,  in  the  outset,  in  our  policy 
towards  the  Amir  in  many  instances  which  could  be  pointed 
out,  and  therefore,  ought  not  to  be  over  hard  on  him  in 
accepting  his  excuses.  I  insist  that  there  will  be  no  real 
dishonour  to  us  in  coming  to  terms  with  him;  whereas, 
by  pressing  on  him  our  own  policy,  we  may  incur  most 
serious  difficulties  and  even  disasters,"  and  the  prosecution 
of  such  a  war  "  would  utterly  ruin  the  finances  of  India." 

In  another  letter  he  pleaded  for  delay,  for,  "  should  we, 
in  the  end,  find  that  we  were  much  to  blame  in  the  course 
we  had  pursued,  we  shall  then  feel  that  we  have  done  a 
great  wrong  which  it  will  be  impossible  to  repair." 

His  letters  and  his  efforts  as  chairman  of  an  influential 
committee  formed  to  guide  public  opinion  in  the  way  of 


342         The  Lawrences  of  the  Punjab 

patience,  had  more  influence  upon  the  people  than  upon 
the  Government  of  the  country,  and,  no  apology  having 
been  received  from  the  amir,  three  columns  were  mobilised 
and  Afghanistan  was  invaded  with  a  promptness  that  has 
usually  been  conspicuously  absent  when  the  need  for  haste 
has  been  more  apparent.  It  was  then  found  that  Lord 
Lawrence  had  not  exaggerated  the  difficulties  and  the 
cost,  and  though  the  brilliance  of  General  Roberts'  cam- 
paigns and  his  masterly  rule  in  Kabul  saved  England 
from  the  military  disgrace  and  loss  of  prestige  that  attended 
the  First  Afghan  War,  there  were  few  men  of  weight  to  be 
found  that  did  not  regret  that  the  plea  for  patience  had 
been  unavailing. 

Lord  Lawrence  did  not  live  to  see  the  end.  His  last 
public  act,  on  June  19,  1879,  was  to  take  part  in  a  House 
of  Lords  debate  on  Indian  finance.  He  was  suffering 
from  a  severe  cold  at  the  time,  but  as  he  believed  that 
certain  of  the  Budget  proposals  would,  if  passed,  inflict 
hardship  upon  the  operatives  and  peasants  of  India,  he 
considered  the  call  imperative.  He  made  his  protest,  but, 
shaken  by  illness  and  fatigue,  he  broke  down  in  his  carefully 
prepared  speech,  and,  a  few  days  later,  on  June  26,  1879, 
John  Lawrence  died. 


INDEX 


Abbott,   General   James,    no,    121 

142,  167,  188,  195,  197,  203 
Abu,  Mount,  196,  224 
Ackers,  Lieutenant,  13 
Adams,  General  Sir  John,  56 
Addiscombe,  3,  5,  6,  11 
Adoption,  right  of,  226 
"  Adventurer  of  the  Punjab,"  the, 
66 

Afghanistan,  68-82,  ill,  145,  216- 
217.  334-342;  treaty  with,  216- 
217;  wars  with,  68-82,  342; 
frontier  policy,  334-342 

Afridis,  76,  177,  182,  216,  340; 
Coke's,  212,  258 

Agra,  199,  236,  328 

Ajmere,  224 

Akbar  the  Great,  107 

Akbar  Khan  (son  of  Dost  Mo- 
hammed), 80,  81 

Ali  Musjid,  164,  340 

Aliwal,  Battle  of,  113 

Allahabad,  53,  63 

Amballa,  83,  168,  266,  268 

Amir  Sing  Thapa,  93 

Amritsar,  201 

Anderson,  Lieutenant,  143 

Anderson,  Major,  289 

Annexation  of  the  Punjab,  157-158 

Anson,  General,  260,  266,  272 

Arnold,  Mr.  William,  315 

Arracan,  15-16 

Artillery,  the  Bengal,  5,  11,  12;  the 
Horse,  23,  56 

Aryans  of  Hindustan,  221 

Assessment  problem,  the,  38-40 

Auckland,  Lord,  69-72 

Aunt  Angel,  2-3 

Aurungzebe,  107,  109 

Ava,  14 

Avitabile,  General,  73-74 

Azimullah  Khan,  229 


Baber,  Mogul  emperor,  107 
Badli-ka-Serai,  victory  of,  273 


Bahadur  Shah  (son  of  Aurungzebe), 
109  (last  of  the  Moguls),  252  etseq. 
Bahawalpur,  the  Nawab  of,  305 
Baluchis,  304,  336 
Banks,  Major,  289,  294 
Bannu,  203,  208,  215 
Barakzai  clan,  the,  68,  in,  145 
Bareilly  Mutineers,  274 
Bari  Doab  Canal,  166 
Barnard,    General   Sir   Henry,    272, 

274,  281 
Barnes,  George,  214,  215 
Barrackpore,  245 
Batten,  Dr.,  21 
Batten,  Hallett,  21,  134 
Becher,    General    John,    119,    195, 

199,  270-271 
Bedis,  the,  124-125 
Beecher,  Colonel,  74 
Benares,  134 
Bhotan  War,  the,  322 
Bharat  Pal,  228 

Bird,  Robert  Mertens,  40-41,  59 
Black  Mountain  Expedition,  the,  322 
Bombay,  commercial  crisis  in,  323 
Bori  Afridis,  the,  216 
Bowring,  Lewin,  126,  127 
Brackenbury,  Mr.,  291 
Brahman     supremacy     in     native 

army,  184 
"  Brahmini  Bull  "  essays,  118 
Brandon  Hill,  4,  17 
Brandreth,  Arthur,  278,  319 
Broadfoot,  Major,  112 
Brockett  Hall,  330 
Brydon,  Dr.,  71 
Buddhist     priests     employed     by 

Gurkhas,  89 
Buddhist  tribes  of  Nepal,  89 
Budhowal,  Battle  of,  113 
Bulram  the  murderer,  31 
Burma,  14,  15,  54,  86 


Calcutta,  13,  22,  25,  48,  321 
Calcutta  Orphan  Refuge,  49 
Calcutta  Review,  the,  27,  100,  106, 
183,  185,  230-231 


343 


344 


Index 


Cameron,  letters  to  Mrs.,  50,  52,  78 
Campbell,  Sir  Colin,  97,   135,  304, 

320 
Canals,  see  Irrigation 
Canning,    Lord,    233-235,    255-256, 

276,  296,  310,  313 
Carabineers,  the,  254 
Cartridges,  the  greased,  244 
Case,  Colonel,  291 
Caste,  abolished  by  Sikhs,  106-108; 

evils   of,    123;     dreaded  loss  of, 

240,  245 
Cavagnari,  Major,  340 
Cavvnpore,  23,  246,  290-291 
Ceylon,  1 

Chamberlain,  Major  Crawfurd,  268 
Chamberlain,      Field-Marshal      Sir 

Neville,    211-212,    264-266,    277, 

281,  340 
Chandni  Chouk,  301 
Chess,  H.  L.'s  favourite  pastime,  12 
ChillianwaUa,  Battle  of,  146 
China  Expedition,  the,  256 
Chinhut,  291-293 
Chitor,  222 
Chittagong,  14 
Cis-Sutlej  States,  the,  63  el  seq.,  83, 

256,  260-261,  311 
Clerk,  Sir  George,  63,  72,  73,  76,  77, 

83,95 
Clifton,  3,  16-17,  60 
Clive,  Lord,  90,  321 
Cocks,  Arthur,  142 
Coke,  General  Sir  John,  212 
Coke's  AfricHs,  212,  258 
Collector,  duties  of  a,  27 
College  Green,  Bristol,  3,  11 
College  incidents,  5-6 
Colvin,  Mr.,  290-291 
Corbett,  Brigadier,  262-263 
Cotton,  Brigadier,  264,  269  et  seq., 

275 
Cranborne,  Lord,  325 
Craufurd,  Padre,  13-16 
Currie,  Sir  Frederick,  63,  112,  117, 

132,  140,  142,  144 
Cust,  Robert,  125,  126,  144 


1) 


Dacoity,  85,  165 

Dalhousie,  Marquis  of,  143-234, 
307;  not  in  sympathy  with 
H.  L.,  147,  194;  character  and 
ability,  150-151,  167-168,  220; 
dissatisfaction  with  Lord  Gough, 


155-156;  his  affection  for  John, 
171,  219-220;  his  esteem  for 
Henry,  177,  196,  307;  and  Sir 
Charles  Napier,  181-186;  chooses 
John  to  rule  the  Punjab,  195; 
offers  Rajputana  to  Henry,  196; 
approves  of  the  Afghan  Treaty, 
216;  departure  from  India,  220; 
advocacy  of  absorption,  226;  his 
heroism,  233;  letters  to  H.  L., 
154-157,  170-171,  176,  178; 
letters  to  J.  L.,  171,  219-220,  307 

Dalhousie  school,  the,  202 

Daly,  General  Sir  Henry,  209,  267 

"  Darby  O'Connor,"  71 

Dehra  Dhoon,  the,  83 

Delhi,  J.  L.  and,  25,  59,  87,  105, 
113,  122,  252;  murder  of  Euro- 
peans, 254;  importance  of,  255; 
reinforced  by  J.  L.,  258,  277,  281, 
299;  siege  of,  272  et  seq.,  301-302; 
impression  made  by  its  capture, 
302  et  seq.;  {placed  under  J.  L., 
308 ;   the  cry  for  vengeance,  309 

Delhi  Arsenal,  the,  254 

Delhi  Gazette,  the,  71,  118 

Delhi  Ridge,  the,  252,  254,  272  et 
seq. 

Derajat,  the,  161,  303 

Derry  school,  the,  2,  174 

Dhulip  Singh,  117,  133,  134,  168 

Disciples  of  Henry  Lawrence,  119, 
149,  166-167,  199,  271,  296 

District,  a,  25 

Dogras,  116,  129,  133,  299 

Dost  Mohammed  Khan,  68-70,  80- 
82,  in,  145,  216-217,  256,  269, 
275,  334-335 

Dum-Dum,  12,  15 

Dundu  Pant  (the  Nana  Sahib),  229, 
242,  246,  291,  317 

Durbars  of  John  Lawrence,  328-329 

Dyas,  Lieutenant,  166 


Edmonstone,  Mr.,  207,  214 
Edwardes,  Sir  H.  B.,  4,  9,  47,  72,  75, 
116-119,  129,  137,  142-145.  154. 
188,  190,  195,  199,  204,  208,  212- 
217,  236,  264-276,  296,  300,  302, 
3°7,  3X3  et  seq.,  320,  334;  chosen 
by  H.  L.,  118,  119;  brilliant  feat 
of  arms,  142-145;  rebuked  by 
H.  L.,  154;  Commissioner  of 
Peshawar,     215;      the     Afghan 


Index 


345 


Treaty,    216-217,    334;     J.    L.'s 
"Counsellor,"  264;    and  Nichol- 
son,     264-270,      296;       opposes 
abandonment  of  Peshawar,  275- 
276;     suggests    employment    of 
Mazbi    Sikhs,    300;     the   fall   of 
Delhi,    302,   307;     Memorandum 
nil     Elimination    of     Unchristian 
Principles,  313  et  seq. ;   character 
sketch  of  J.  L.,  320 
Edwardes,  Lady,  120,  330 
Edwards,  John,  12,  13 
Elasticity  of  the  Sikhs,  115,  304 
Elgin,  Lord,  320 
Ellenborough,  Lord,  80-84 
Elphinstone;  General,  70-71 
Elphinstone,  Monntstuart,  122 
English  children  in  India,  102 
Etawa,  59 


Fairy  Hall,  13 

Famine,  J.  L.'s  first  experience  of, 

59;  in  Orissa,  322 
Farmers  of  revenue,  39,  85,  187,  237 
Fatehghar,  304 

Fateh  Khan  (of  the  Guides),  164 
Fateh  Khan  Towana,  132 
Ferozepore,  63-66,  72,  79,  83,  112, 

281,  299;   the  Nawab  of,  33 
Ferozshah,  Battle  of,  112 
Fiscal  reform  in   the   Punjab,  165- 

166 
Fort  William,  Calcutta,  22,  25 
Forward  policy,  the,  336  et  seq. 
Foyle  College,  2,  3,  7,  170 
Fraser,  murder  of  Win.,  33 
Frere,  Sir  Bartle,  268,  336  el  seq. 


Gaster,  Miss,  333"334 

Getae,  the,  108 

Ghazni,  Nicholson  at,  119 

Gillespie,  General  Sir  Robert,  92 

Gladstone,  Mr.,  331 

Gorakhpur,  50,  52,  53,  94 

Gough,  Lord,  113,  143-146,  155-156, 

180 
Gough's  school,  Bristol,  3 
Govind   Singh,    107-110,    131,    162, 

300 
Grand  Trunk  Road,  166,  261,  302, 

304 


Grant,  Lieutenant,  287 

Granth,  the  (the  Sikh  Bible),  108 

Gratelcy,  329,  331 

Gray,  Brigadier,  248 

Grey,  Lord  de,  325 

Gubbins,  Martin,  234,  236,  288  et 
seq. 

Guernsey,  1 

Gugara,  revolt  at,  305 

Guggur  Sing,  97 

Guides,  the  Corps  of,  55,  97,  162- 
165,  216,  258,  273,  340;  Gurkha 
company  of,  97,  163;  anecdotes, 
164;  sent  to  Delhi,  258;  famous 
march,  273 

Gujerat,  Battle  of,  152,  156,  179 

Gulab  Singh,  116-117,  121,  128-130, 
170,  177,  256,  271,  299 

"  Gunpowder  "  Lawrence,  46,  72 

Gurkhas,  54,  89-98,  131,  135,  163, 
216,  224;  Nasiri  and  Sirmur 
battalions,  94,  185,  256,  263,  273- 
274;  controversy  between  H.  L. 
and  Sir  C.  Napier,  185;  the  only 
regulars  to  be  trusted,  256,  263; 
heroism  of  the  Sirmur  battalion, 

273-274 
Guru  (the  Sikh  high  priest),  106-108 
Gurung  clan  of  Gurkhas,  90 


H 


Haileybury  College,  9,  20 
Halford,  Colonel,  248 
Hall,  Rev.  Robert,  17 
Hamilton,       Harriette      Catherine 

(Lady  Lawrence),  61 
Handscombe,  Brigadier,  248,  287 
Hardinge,   Lord,    9,    105-106,    113, 

115,  122,  134,  139,  140,  148 
Harris,  Lord,  1 
Hathaway,  Dr.,  327 
Havelock,  Sir  Henry,  274,  291,  292 
Hay,  Lord  W.,  171 
Hayes,  Rev.  Mr.,  61 
Hayes,  Mrs.  (Letitia  Lawrence),  51, 

61,  66 
Hazara,  119,  168,  271 
Headmen  of  villages,  44,  138,  161, 

207 
Heath,  Miss,  17 
Hewitt,  General,  255,  272 
Hill- Rajputs,  89 
Hinduism    more     attractive    than 

Sikhism,  303 
Hindu  Rao's  house,  273-274 


34^ 


Ind 


ex 


Hodgson,  Brigadier,  209,  211 
Hodson  (of  Hodson's  Horse),   120, 

136,  149,  162 
Hogge,  Sir  James,  199 
Holkar,  Mulhar  Rao,  no,  242 
House  of  Lords,  J.  L.'s  reception  in, 

331;  J.  L.'s  last  speech  in,  342 
Huddleston,  Mr.  J.,  3,  5,  19,  141 
Hyderabad,  194,  195 


"  Illustrious  garrison,"  the,  74,  79 
Imam-ud-Din,  128-130,  133,  143 
"  Indian   misgovernment,"    Napier 

on,  182-183 
Indus,  army  of,  63 
Infanticide,  123-125,  130 
Inglis,  Colonel,  247,  289,  294 ;  Lady, 

285 
Irish  Church,   disestablishment  of, 

33i 
Irrigation,  42,  86,  166,  324 


Jackson,  Mr.  Coverley,  234,  236 
Jaghirdars,  187-191,  200,  206,  236, 

261 
Jalandar,  115,   122,   127,   140,   142, 

144,  193,  268,  274,  321 
James,  Major,  275,  277-278 
Jammu,  117,  121 
Jats,  the,  108-109 
Jehangir,  107 

Jelalabad,  71,  74,  75,  77,  79,  112 
Jenkins,  Sir  F.,  164 
Jhansi,  227 

Jhelum,  mutiny  at,  278-279 
Jhind,  Raja  of,  260-261,  311 
Jumma  Musjid,  301,  309 
Junda  Khore,  Maharani  of  Lahore, 

133 

Jung  Bahadur,  Sir,  90,  96,  97,  135, 

163,  256 
Jypur,  223 
Jytak,  siege  of,  93 


K 


Kabul,  55,  67-71,  80-82,  86,  99,  339- 
342;  massacre,  67,  71;  entry  of 
Pollock  and  Nott,  82;  Russian 
mission  to,  339 


Kalunga,  defence  of,  92-93 

Kandahar,  79 

Kangra  Fort,  127-128 

Kapurthala,  Raja  of,  260-261,  311 

Karauli,  228 

Kashmir,    in,    116-117,    129,    132, 

202,  299 
Kashmir  Gate,  Delhi,  300 
Kaye,  Sir  John,  14,  47,  50,  71,  100, 

118,  121,  139,  194,  218,  226,  239, 

251,  288,  297 
Kazilbash,  Sultan  Jan,  164 
Khalsa,  the,  64,  72,  76,  107  et  seq., 

129-130,  138,  152,  162;    creation 

of,  108;  crushed  at  Gujerat,  152; 

and  poorbeahs,  257-258;   dreams 

of  a  greater  Khalsa,  261,  303-305 ; 

and  the  Peshawar  mutineers,  280- 

281 
Khas,  a  Gurkha  clan,  89 
Khatmandu,  89  et  seq. 
Khatris,  108 

Khyber,  the,  72  et  seq.,  216,  340 
Knox,  Rev.  James,  2 
Kohat  Afridis,  216 
Koh-i-nur,  anecdote  of,  173-174 
Kokrail  Bridge,  Lucknow,  293 
Kuki-Kheyls,  the,  300 
Kurnal,  22,  84,  86,  89;   the  Nawab 

of,  261 
Kytul,  84-86 


Lahore,  82-83,  114  et  seq.,  167,  175, 
262-263,  276,  280,  328;  contin- 
gent, the,  82;  treaty,  the,  117; 
H.  L.'s  last  day  at,  200,  296;  dis- 
armament, 262-263;  importance 
of,  276;  mutiny,  280;  J.  L.'s 
durbar  at,  328 

Lahore  durbar,  the,  115  et  seq.,  128 
et  seq. 

Lahore  Gate,  Delhi,  301 

Lahore  Residency,  the,  120,  137, 
271 

Lake,  Edward,  119,  125,  195,  199 

Lai  Singh,  117,  121,  128-133 

Lamas  employed  by  the  Gurkhas, 
89 

Lambardars  (village  headmen),  44, 
138,  161,  207 

Land  revenue,  38  et  seq.,  123,  186 

Land  survey,  38  et  seq. 

Land  tenure  in  the  Punjab,  325 

Lapse,  doctrine  of,  226-229 


Ind 


ex 


347 


Lawrence,  Colonel  Alexander 
(father  of  Henry  and  John),  1-2, 
18,  19,  46-47,  113 
Lawrence,  General  Alexander 
(brother  of  Henrv  and  John),  2-3, 
5,  23 
Lawrence,  Sir  Alexander  (eldest  son 

of  Henry),  57,  77,  83,  95 
Lawrence  asylums,  49,  102-104,  117, 

136,  176,  224,  295 
Lawrence,    Charlotte    (wife    of    Sir 
George),  62,  82 

Lawrence  fund,  the,  18,  47,  60 

Lawrence,  General  Sir  George,  2-3, 
5,  23,  24,  55,  62,  80-82,  119,  131, 
142,  145,  175,  182,  235,  290;  cap- 
tive to  the  Afghans,  62,  80-82; 
second  captivity,  142,  145; 
tribute  from  Sir  C.  Napier,  182; 
succeeds  H.  L.  in  Kajputana,  235 

Lawrence,  George  (son  of  Sir 
George),  294 

Lawrence,  Harriette  Catherine 
(wife  of  Lord  Lawrence),  61,  88, 
216,  305,  312,  329,  330 

Lawrence,  Sir  Henry  Waldemar 
(second  son  of  H.  L]),  98 

Lawrence,  Honoria  (wife  of  H.  L.), 
17,  46  et  seq.,  66,  77-78,  81-88, 
95-98,  120,  224-225;  letters  to 
Letitia,  51,  66,  82;  letters  to 
H.  L.,  57,  78,  81;  letters  to  Mrs. 
Cameron,  50,  52,  78;  letters  to 
Sir  George  Clerk,  97 

Lawrence,  Letitia  Catherine 
(mother  of  Henry  and  John),  2, 
10,  16,  46-48,  60 

Lawrence,  Letitia  (sister  of  Henry 
and  John),  2-4,  8-10,  n,  16,  17, 
20-23,  42,  46-51,  59-6i,  82 

Lawrence,  Letitia  (daughter  of 
H.  L.),  66 

Lawrence,  General  Richard 
(youngest  brother  of  Henry  and 
John),  262-263,  299,  313 

Le  Bas,  Dean,  21 

Le  Bas,  Mr.,  261 

Lepchas,  the,  89 

Lewin,  Lieutenant,  13 

Limbus,  the,  89 

"  Lion  of  the  Punjab,"  in 

Literary  work  of  H.  L.,  99  et  seq. 

London  School  Board,  the,  331-332 

Low,  General,  195,  227,  231 

Lucknow,  135,  231  et  seq.,  256,  282 
et  seq. ;  H.  L.  appointed  as  Resi- 
dent,   235;     first    symptoms    of 


mutiny,  247;  the  outbreak,  285; 
provisional  council  appointed, 
289;  critical  position  after  Chin- 
hut,  292;  garrison  saved  by 
H.  L.'s  foresight,  297-298;  J.  L.'s 
durbar,  329 

Lucknow  Residency,  248  et  seq.,  282 
et  seq. 

Ludhiana,  63,  68 

Lumsden,  General  Sir  Harry,  65, 
125,  128,  162-164,  203 

Lytton,  Lord,  339-340 


M 


Macgregor,  Robt.  Guthrie,  6 
Mackenzie,  Holt,  40 
Mackeson,  Colonel,  76,  215 
Macleod,  Donald,  200,  213-214,  263, 

314 

Macnaughten,  Sir  Wm.,  70,  99 
Madan  Pal,  228 

Magars,  the  (a  Gurkha  clan),  90 
Maharani  of  Lahore,  the,  121,  127 

et  seq. 
Mahratta  states,  226-229 
Manjha,  the,  162,  201,  246,  278,  303 
Mansel,  Mr.,  158,  159,  171,  174 
Mardan,  258 

Margaret,  the  nurse,  3,  60 
Marshall,  Captain,  78 
Marshall,  Honoria  (wife  of  H.  L.), 

17,  46  et  seq. 
Marshman,  Mr.,  136 
Matabur  Sing,  91,  96-97 
Matura,  Ceylon,  1 
Mayo,  Lord,  328,  329 
Mazbi  Sikhs,  300 
Meditations  of  a  Sikh  Soldier,  303 
Meerut,  252  et  seq.,  273 
Merivale,  Herman,  168,  190,  198 
Metcalfe,  Charles,  122 
Meywar,  175 

Mian  Mir,  disarmament  at,  262-263 
Misls,  Sikh,  no 

Missionary  work  in  India,  332-333 
Mogul  attitude  towards  the  Sikhs, 

107-109 
Mogul  empire,  decline  of,  109- no, 

252 
Moguls,  last  of  the,  252 
Mongolian  races  of  Nepal,  89 
Montgomery,  Robert,  167,  174,  175, 

191,  192,  207,  262-263,  308,  313, 

315 
Mori  Bastion,  the,  273 


348 


Index 


Mount  Abu,  224 

Movable  column,  the,  264,  266,  277- 

281,  299 
Muchi  Bawn,  the,  282,  293 
Mudki,  Battle  of,  112 
Mulraj,  Governor  of  Multan,   133- 

134,  141-148 
Multan,  in,  133,  141-147,  268,  276 
Multanis  enlist  against  poorbeahs, 

304 

Mungul  Pandy,  245 
Murmis,  the,  89 
Murree,  mutiny  at,  305,  311 
Musa  Bagh,  outbreak  at,  247 
Mutiny,  the,  foreshadowed  by  H.  L., 
99,  101;  causes  of,  240-245;  suc- 
cess rendered  hopeless  by  capture 
of    Delhi,    302;    finally   stamped 
out,  317 


N 


Nabha,  the  Raja  of,  260,  311 

Nagpore,  174,  227 

Najafgarh,  Battle  of,  299 

Nana  Sahib,  the,  229,  242,  246,  291, 
317 

Nanuk,  the  first  Sikh  Guru,  106 

Napier,  Sir  Charles  James,  146,  179- 
185,  263 

Napier,  Robert  (Lord  Napier  of 
Magdala),  137,  145,  166,  195,  208, 
213,  272 

Nasirabad  mutineers,  274 

Nasiri  Gurkha  battalion,  94,  184, 
263 

Native  aristocracy,  87-88,  187,  189 

Native  officials,  26,  42,  139 

Native  states,  unrest  in,  225  et  seq. ; 
breakwaters  to  the  storm,  290 

Nawabs  (viceroys)  of  Oudh,  230 

Neemuch  mutineers,  the,  274 

Nepal,  53,  84,  88  et  seq.,  106,  134, 
256 

Newars,  the,  89 

Nicholson,  John,  27,  119,  142,  167, 
188,  195,  199,  208,  225,  269  etseq., 
299>  300-302;  sent  to  frontier  by 
H.  L.,  119;  influence  of  H.  L., 
149,  203,  204,  209,  296;  and 
J.  L.,  203,  210,  216;,  influence  on 
the  frontier,  208-210;  shoots  an 
assassin,  210;  quarrel  with 
Chamberlain,  211-212;  and  Lord 
Roberts,  264;  routs  the  Now- 
shera   mutineers,    270;     opposes 


J.  L.'s  proposal  to  give  up 
Peshawar,  275-276;  in  com- 
mand of  movable  column,  277  et 
seq. ;  sent  to  take  Delhi,  281 ; 
mortally  wounded,  301 ;  letters 
to  H.  L.,  203,  210;  letters  to 
J.  L.,  210,  277 

Nicolls,  Sir  Jasper,  72 

Northcote,  Sir  Stafford,  322,  325 

North-West  Provinces,  24,  40  et 
seq.,  83,  95,  122,  199,  306 

Nott,  General,  79  et  seq. 

Nowshera  mutiny,  269-272 


O 


Ochterlony,  General,  93 

Ommaney,  Mr.,  236,  289 

Orissa,  famine  in,  322 

Ottah  at  Meerut,  the,  273 

Oudh,  202,  229  et  seq.,  257,  282  et 

seq.,     306,     325;      wretchedness 

under  native  rule,  202,  229  et  seq.  ; 

annexation,  233;    chief  commis- 

sionership  offered  to  H.  L.,  235; 

Irregulars,     247-250,     288,     292; 

spread  of  rebellion,  288;    tenant 

right  in,  325 
Outram,  Sir  James,  122,  180,  215, 

231,  234,  256 
Ownership  of  land,  39-40 


Palmer,  Colonel,  248 

Palmerston,  Lord,  1,  320 

Pandy,  derivation  of  nickname,  245 

Paniput,  27  et  seq.,  87,  105 

Passive  resistance,  34 

Pathan  tribesmen,  74,  77,  no,  131, 
303,  320;  enrolled  by  Edwardes 
against  Mulraj,  145;  in  the  Pun- 
jab Frontier  Force,  161- 162; 
attitude  towards  poorbeahs,  258- 
260;  enlist  freely  at  Peshawar, 
270,  303-305 

Patiala,  Raja  of,  260-261,  311 

Payment  in  kind,  39,  123,  186 

Peace  unfavourable  to  Sikhism,  303 

Peishwa,  the  (head  of  the  Mahrat- 
tas),  229 

Persia,  69,  256 

Peshawar,  74  et  seq.,  in,  131,  145, 
166,  182,  215-217,  258,  264  et  seq., 
277,  280,  302-303;  importance  of, 


Index 


349 


215,  269,  275  et  seq. ;  council  of 
war  at,  264;  the  "  masterstroke," 
269 ;  proposed  abandonment, 
275;  mutiny  at,  280;  illumi- 
nated, 302-303 

Phillour,  mutiny  at,  268 

Police  force  in  the  Punjab,  165 

Pollock,  General,  75  et  seq. 

Poorbeahs,  230,  258 

Pottinger,  Eldred,  69 

Prince  Consort  and  J.  L.,  319 

Prithi  Narayan  Sahi,  90 

Protected  Sikh  states,  63-65,  260, 
311 

Public  works  in  the  Punjab,  166, 
188,  207,  213,  324 

Punjab  Frontier  Force,  161-162, 
183,  255;  raised  by  H.L.,  161-162; 
sent  to  Delhi  by  j.  L.,  255 

Punjab  movable  column,  see 
Movable  column 

Punjabis,  108,  in,  160 

Punjabi-Mohammedans  as  soldiers, 
162,  304 

Q 

Queen  Victoria  honours  J.  L.,  319 
Queen's  Gate,  Kensington,  330 


R 


Raikes,  Mr.  C,  29,  53,  208,  214 

Railway  extension  under  J.  L.,  324 

Rais,  the,  89 

Rajasthan,  221 

Rajputana,  195  et  seq.,  221  el  seq., 
235 

Rajputs,  108,  123,  221-228 

Raleigh,  Cornet,  287 

Ramnuggur,  Battle  of,  146 

Ramsay,  Colonel  Balcarres,  36 

Ram  Singh,  murder  of,  31 

Rani  of  Jhansi,  the,  227 

Ranjit  Singh,  63-66,  74,  no  et  seq., 
127,  I33>  141.  162,  165,  173,  187, 
242 

Ranjur  Thapa,  93 

Rawul  Pindi,  253,  262,  265-267, 
278,  302 

Reade,  Mr.,  50 

Reed,  General,  264-265,  281 

Reid,  General  Sir  Charles,  273 

Revenue  assessment,  38  et  seq.,  207; 
farmers,  39,  85,  187,  237;  sur- 
vey, 38  et  seq. 


Rewari,  riot  at,  34 
Rice-swamps  and  plague,  86 
Richmond,     Yorks,     birthplace    of 

J.  L.,  1 
Ricketts,  Mr.,  268 
Ripon,  Lord,  32s 
Roberts,   Field-Marshal    Earl,   264, 

266,  297-298,  336,  338,  342 
Roberts,  Arthur,  263 
Rohtak  mutineers,  274 
Russian  intrigues,  69,  335  et  seq. 


Sadalpur,  Battle  of,  146 

Sadozais,  the,  68 

Sale,  General,  74,  83 

Salisbury,  Lord,  325 

Sanawar,  103,  136 

Sandeman,  Sir  Robt.,  336,  338 

Sattara,  226 

Saunders,  Mr.  C,  219 

School  Board,  the  London,  331-332 

Scott,  Mr.  Hercules,  125 

Selimghur  Prison,  301 

Sepoys,    reasons    for    disaffection, 

239-245;   confidence  in,  240-241; 

good     qualities     of,     240;      the 

greased  cartridges,  244 ;  numbers 

in  Punjab,  258 
Shah  Jehan,  107 

Shah  Shuja,  the  Amir,  68  et  seq.,  82 
Shere  Ali,  the  Amir,  335  et  seq. 
Sialkot,  mutiny  at,  279 
Sikhs,  the,  63  et  seq.,  72  et  seq.,  106 

et  seq.,  162,  303  et  seq. 
Simla,  130,  137,  172,  259 
Simpsons,    the    (masters    at    Foyle 

College),  174-175 
Sind,  179,  181,  202,  336 
Sindhia,  Madhaji,  no,  242 
Singh  (lion)   adopted  as   a   second 

name  by  Sikhs,  107 
Sirdars,    Sikh,    66,    no,    121,    131, 

139-140 
Sirhind  sacked  by  Sikhs,  109 
Sirmur  Gurkha  battalion,  94,  273- 

274 
Sitapur,  287 
Skinner's  house,  301 
Sleeman,  Colonel,  195,  231,  232 
Smith,  Colonel  Baird,  300,  302 
Sobraon,  Battle  of,  113 
Southgate,  330 
Stanley,  Lord,  177,  318,  320 
Stephen,  Captain,  291 


35° 


Ind 


ex 


Strachey,  Colonel,  324 

Stuart,  Colonel,  37 

Sumvars,  the,  89 

Survey,  Irish  Trigonometrical,  17; 

revenue,  38  et  seq. 
Sutlej,  the,  63,  112,  148,  258 
Suttee,  126,  224 


Tait,  Dr.,  319 

Talukdars  of  Oudh,   236-238,  246, 

283,  289,  325 
Taylor,  General  Sir  Alexander,  166, 

278,  300,  302 
Taylor,  General  Reynell,  119,  195, 

199,  203,  206 
Teg  Bahadur,  107,  300 
Tej  Singh,  133-134 
Temple,  Sir  Richard,  190,  204,  207, 

33i 
Tenant  right  in  Oudh,  239,  325 
Terai,  the,  53,  94 
Thakurs,  the  (a  Gurkha  clan),  89- 

90 
Thomason,  Mr.  James,  46,  84,  95, 

122,  239 
Thornton,  Mr.,  302,  311 
Thuggee,  165,  231 
Transport  system,  n  3- 114 
Trans-Sutlej  States,  115,  127,  256 
Troup,  Captain,  80 
Turanian  invasion,  108 


Udaipur,  223 


Umbeyla  campaign,  320 

Unrest  in  native  states,  225  et  seq. 


V 


Vans  Agnew,  murder  of  Mr.,  143 
Village  communities,  43-45,  207 
Volunteer  cavalry  at  Chinhut,  292 


W 

Water  Bastion,  the,  300 
Waziri  raids,  211 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  69,  105,  146 
Wheeler,  General,  246,  290-291 
Whish,  General,  145 
Wild,  Brigadier,  73-74 
Willoughby,  Lieutenant,  254 
Wilson,  Colonel,  246-247,  285-286, 

293-294;    General  Sir  Archdale, 

281,  301 
Wood,  Sir  Charles,  320,  325 
Wraxhall  School,  7,  19 
Wright,  Captain,  264 


Young,  Lieutenant,  154 
Yueh-chi,  the,  108 


Zeman  Khan,  211 


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